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近代以来日本逐渐走上了对外侵略的道路。为了将全体国民改造为战争机器的零件,日本政府不断通过新闻传媒给大众"洗脑"。日本政府甚至发动女性作家,以利用她们温婉的文字来掩饰战争的残酷。在日本政府的威胁利诱之下,日本媒体最终堕落为军国主义的宣传机器。在一定意义上,战时的日本媒体也背负着战争责任。 相似文献
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尚政民徐开元 《中国广播电视学刊》2020,(3):14-16
当今,重大突发公共事件常常引发政府和大众公共关系危机,能否满足大众知情权,同时维护好政府公信力,考验当今主流媒体的社会责任和媒介治理能力。新冠肺炎疫情当前,需要媒体拿出社会良知和职业精神,在疫情防控总体战、阻击战中勇于担当、敢于作为、善于创新,为强信心、暖人心、聚民心发挥好舆论引导作用。湖北广电作为涉事地省级媒体,从战时体制到战斗姿态,从应急理念到传播创新,为重大突发公共卫生事件应急报道交上了一份新答卷。 相似文献
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第二次世界大战期间,日本政府在台湾施行了严厉的战时新闻统制,广播成为总督府进行舆论强化与战时动员的重要工具。台湾总督府既加强海外广播,又对台湾民众实施"皇民化"教育。同时,通过广播节目的调整,强化战时舆论管制。总督府的战时广播宣传是日本实施殖民统治和战时扩张的帮凶。 相似文献
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随着抗日战争的全面爆发,日本逐渐陷入长期战的泥沼中不能自拔,日本国内悲观、厌战、怠工情绪蔓延.为改变局面,日本当局多次出台相关文件,要求宣传机构“巩固国内团结,振兴举国共赴困难之气概”,①号召国民做好长期持久战的心理准备,以“国内即战场、国民即战士”的自觉确立战时生活体制.②日本报界以此为方针,逐渐构筑起思想宣传的舆论阵地,并按照政府的宣传诉求对新闻伦理进行重构,最终形成“皇道新闻观”.“皇道新闻观”是日本战时体制下思想舆论统制的产物,具有侵略性、国家性和狭隘的民族性,其本质是法西斯主义新闻观,是应加以大力批判的. 相似文献
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战争是国家之间政治斗争的最高形式,所以战时舆论宣传也就有别于平时的新闻报道,其往往带有非常强的政治和军事目的性,着眼于如何引导国内国际舆论向于己方政治军事行动有利的方面发展。图片报道是战时舆论 相似文献
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战争是国家之间政治斗争的最高形式,所以战时舆论宣传也就有别于平时的新闻报道,其往往带有非常强的政治和军事目的性,着眼于如何引导国内国际舆论向于己方政治军事行动有利的方面发展。图片报道是战时舆论宣传的主要形式之一,军队报纸必须树立正确的用图观念,才能使战时舆论宣传更好地服务于政治军事行动。 相似文献
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媒介舆论:在各种权力与公众之间——兼论公共舆论向媒介舆论的转向 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
本文通过对公共舆论形成条件和形成过程的梳理,认为伴随着公共领域的转型,公共舆论的本质已经发生了变化。在一定层面上,被社会所感知的舆论实际上是媒介舆论。作为一种自为意见的表达体系,媒介舆论上是国家政治权力、经济权力、媒介和公众利益搏弈、平衡的结果,表现出现实的真实性。 相似文献
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The “hegemonic” tradition argues that the president enjoys unparalleled power to manage news and opinion during war. This approach has dominated political communication literature on war and the media for over a generation. The war with Iraq, however, provides a major challenge to conventional wisdom. We believe that classical propaganda theory provides a useful corrective to the hegemonic perspective and offers a better way to understand the Bush administration's propaganda strategy and its impact on public opinion. Using a combination of content analysis, opinion data, and analysis of the administration's Iraq-related public addresses, we argue that the president neither dominated war news nor managed public opinion in the manner predicted by hegemonic theories. 相似文献
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当前我国网络舆情发展呈现如下态势：舆情热点事件不断攀升、各种社会思潮网上争鸣、网络信息管理渐入法制性轨道、社交媒体的链式传播趋于独立。在“三位一体”的互联网信息管理工作格局下,我国舆情信息工作形成了纵向、横向与协作的网格状运行体系。在新形势下,我国网络舆情信息工作面临诸多挑战,如舆情信息协调不畅,舆情工作发展不平衡,舆情信息分析不准确,舆情研判市场不规范等。由此,建议加强网络舆情工作者的政治素养培育,完善网络舆情工作机制建设,拓展网络舆情工作科学研究领域。 相似文献
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Kepplinger Hans Mathias; Donsbach Wolfgang; Brosius Hans-Bernd; Staab Joachim Friedrich 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》1989,1(4):326-342
This study investigates the relationship between media coverageof Helmut Kohl in seven leading German print media and the opinionsof the German general public about the politician between 1975and 1984. For the content analysis evaluative assessments aboutHelmut Kohl on six different dimensions of characteristics werecoded. The analysis of public opinion is based on 72 representativesurveys in which respondents expressed their evaluations ofthe politician. The two time series were compared by means ofcross-lagged correlations. The whole period was first examinedwith aggregations of three-months-intervals; then closer attentionwas paid to the time period since Helmut Kohl took office aschancellor on the basis of monthly intervals. In both cases,the results show that evaluation shifts in the media precedesimilar evaluation shifts in public opinion with a time lagof about three to six months for the whole period of investigation,and a somewhat shorter time lag for the time of his chancellorship.Evaluation shifts in the political magazines Der Spiegel andStern were more closely related to public opinion than evaluationshifts in the national dailies. 相似文献
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［目的/意义］ 梳理网络舆情的研究进展,有助于厘清网络舆情研究的知识基础、传导规律、预警机制和治理策略等之间的内在联系和主题演化路径。［方法/过程］ 首先分析网络舆情的理论知识基础,然后结合现有研究,按照内容递进的规律将网络舆情研究分为影响因素、传导路径、预警机制以及引导治理策略四个主题,采用内容分析法和社会网络分析法对网络舆情进行主题关联关系分析和演化路径探索。［结果/结论］ 结果表明,生命周期理论、认知定势理论、沉默的螺旋、群体极化理论、蝴蝶效应理论和治理理论常作为网络舆情研究的理论知识基础,网络媒介环境、社会结构压力、网民心理、触发性事件、有效动员和社会控制力量六个因素被视为网络舆情演化的重要影响要素,且网络舆情、舆情事件、社交媒体、利益相关者、大数据和信息传播等六个主题与其他研究内容关系较为密切,在主题演化路径中发挥着重要桥接作用。 相似文献
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国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献
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日本步入近代化过程中的政府与新闻媒体之关系 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
权力与媒体的关系具有丰富的内涵 ,本文借助一特定国家 (日本 )的一个特定时期 (步入近代化 )的资料 ,从两个方面对此作了探讨。一是以幕府当局的举措为主线 ,全景式展示近世日本的舆论状况。一是通过明治初、中期政府的新闻对策的几个片段 ,揭示政府与媒体的互动关系。 相似文献
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Previous scholarship has argued that constructions of public opinion serve one of three dominant purposes: (1) to provide drama; (2) to promote particular strategic political interests; and (3) to symbolically legitimize the public's role in democracy. This paper analyzes media and legislator constructions of public opinion in the Clinton‐Lewinsky scandal. We assess the uses of public opinion and the purposes to which they were put, and particularly examine the use of different time frames in this discourse. Throughout the scandal, the public remained firmly ambivalent about President Clinton, with majorities supporting him remaining in office, even as they disapproved of his sexual relationship with Ms. Lewinsky. However, the media frequently emphasized the possibility that public might change, and this future orientation was joined to a strongly disapproving emphasis on public morality, rooted in a construction of past values. Later the media took present public opinion as a given, but political implications for the present and future framed the coverage. Once the scandal came to Congress, members of Congress usually recognized the public's support for President Clinton, but offered different interpretations of the roots of this support, its proper influence on Congress, and its future course. In assessing political consequences of their votes, legislators acted like investors involved in futures markets, and judged which opinions were likely to retain intensity in the coming months and years. Changing in a dynamic fashion in response to events, elites’ judgments, and polls, constructions of public opinion served multiple purposes, and were strongly tinged by assessments about the stability and basis of public opinion. The low use of present‐oriented time frames delegitimized citizen views. 相似文献
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Explicating and measuring opinion leadership continues to bean important theoretical topic, as personal influence and interpersonaldiscussion are widely recognized as shaping public opinion andpolitical behavior. However, the concept of opinion leadershiparose out of empirical research conducted primarily within theUSA. Whether it may be applied to other national contexts remainsto be fully explicated. Furthermore, media information-seekingbehaviors of opinion leaders, such as newspaper use or televisionexposure, seem to be culturally contingent based upon the scantcross-national research to date. This paper examines the ecologicaland constructive validity of the engagement model of the opinionleadership developed within the USA. Employing the EuropeanSocial Survey, I apply this model to fifteen European nationsto assess its validity and explore how media information-seekingbehaviors of opinion leaders may vary across national contexts.The findings suggest that the model may be most valid in WesternEuropean nations. Furthermore, the media use and behaviors ofopinion leaders vary greatly across nations in Europe, thoughlevels of interpersonal political discussion and specific individualsocio-psychological traits do not. 相似文献
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This online survey conducted at a public university in the Northwest (N = 434) examines the influence of political involvement, information source attention, and online political discussion on young adults’ political efficacy. A factor analysis indicated that political information sources loaded into three factors including conventional and online hard news media such as newspapers, opinion and social media such as blogs or social networking websites, and public affairs websites including government and candidate websites. A path analysis revealed significant differences in their association with online political expression and external efficacy. As an entry point in the theoretical model, involvement in public affairs positively associated with attention to political information sources, online political expression, and external political efficacy. Attention to hard news and to public affairs websites positively predicted political efficacy. Attention to online opinion and social media and to public affairs websites positively predicted online political expression. 相似文献