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1.
As part of a comparative study of attitudes toward freedom ofexpression, Americans, Israeli Jews, and Israeli Arabs wereasked about the social contexts in which they feel unfree tospeak and about the reasons that inhibit them. Home was theleast inhibiting locus in all three cultures and, for the U.S.respondents, the workplace was most inhibiting. Responding toa battery of 33 reasons for not speaking out, all three culturesgave highest ratings to items related to the fear of hurtingothers. Questions measuring fear of being disapproved or hurtby others—including fear of isolation from the majorityand fear of legal restraint—were ranked lower. An overallindex of inhibition items proved highly reliable cross-culturally.Americans claimed least inhibition and Israeli Arabs most. Malesand those with higher education levels and incomes were alsoless inhibited across the three cultures. Expression inhibitionwas negatively, through weakly, related to support for expressiverights among both Israeli groups and American whites but notAmerican blacks, where the relation was positive. Expressioninhibition was negatively related to political activity amongAmericans and Israeli Jews but not among Arabs.  相似文献   

2.
Adopting the Orientation–Stimuli–Reasoning–Orientation–Response (O–S–R–O–R) model of political communication effects, this study examines the mediating roles of online/offline political discussion and political trust on the relationship between social media information seeking and online/offline political participation in China and Hong Kong. Findings through structural equation modeling showed that the relationship between information seeking and online participation was mediated by online discussion for both samples. Moreover, the relationship between information seeking and offline participation was mediated by offline discussion, and offline discussion mediated the relationship between information seeking and online participation. Political trust did not mediate any of the relationships in China and Hong Kong and all significant paths involving political trust were negative. Implications of the findings for youth political participation in China and Hong Kong are discussed.  相似文献   

3.
This study examines the digital divide between the Jewish majority and Arab minority in Israeli society as manifested by Internet access and patterns of use. The goals of this paper were to examine the digital divide between these two groups and to identify the factors that influence these gaps. The study is based on data from the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics Annual Social Survey, collected in 2011 through face-to-face interviews of 5872 interviewees aged 20–65 years. Jews were found to have an advantage over Arabs in terms of Internet access and in terms of the two types of uses: capital-enhancing and recreational. Our important conclusion is that, theoretically, with background variables being the same, the first-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs can be considered closed; in contrast, the second-level digital divide remains even if human resources in both groups are the same. This gives reason to assume that beyond the impact of human resources, the second-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs originated from their cultural background. Israeli Arabs are a unique minority indigenous group with two affinities – to Israeli modern society (because of citizenship) and to the Arab traditional world (because of their religious and cultural roots). Closing digital gaps requires changes in basic social, economic, and cultural aspects of the Arab sector on the individual level, i.e., personal motivation, as well as on the community level, including collective sociocultural preferences.  相似文献   

4.
曾昕 《新闻春秋》2020,(1):90-95
传统社会向信息社会转型的过程中,文化格局随之重塑。亚文化通过各种新媒体渠道广泛传播,从边缘地带走向繁荣。作为青少年群体的重要文化形式之一,亚文化对当代文化图谱有着独特的价值和贡献;但由于其政治性的局限,在政治传播议题中的论述还相对有限。青少年因大量时间被娱乐消费覆盖,政治参与呈现下降趋势。米姆作为社交媒体中流行文化的重要景观,大量出现在政治议题中,对识别和理解青少年亚文化有至关重要的作用。本文以青少年通过亚文化语言和符号参与在线公共议题的案例出发,探讨青少年在政治议题建构中的话语参与与认同构建;并探讨这种泛娱乐的参与方式中,公共性如何体现。研究认为,内容娱乐化的同时,米姆的政治功能也在逐渐凸显;亚文化参与代表了青少年对政治议题的多样化诉求,促进青少年对社会政治议题的关注和参与,融合且推进了个体表达与公共话语呈现,是兼具文化价值和政治意义的参与路径。  相似文献   

5.
This paper empirically investigates the association of quality information provided by a government agency on social media and citizen’s online political participation. It further answers the why and how questions regarding the existence of this relationship by examining the mediating influence of transparency, trust, and responsiveness. The data was collected from 388 followers of the social media platforms of a government agency i.e. Punjab Food Authority and the findings of the analysis were obtained using structural equation modeling technique. The results reveal that the agency’s provision of quality information on social media was significantly related to perceived transparency, trust in agency, perceived responsiveness, and citizens’ online political participation. Moreover, the results show that perceived transparency mediates the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ trust in agency. Additionally, trust in agency was an insignificant predictor and perceived responsiveness was a negative predictor of citizens online political participation, Also, trust in agency and perceived responsiveness suppressed the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ online political participation. This study aims to bring awareness and contribution to the body of knowledge about the governmental use of social media and its resulting benefits since in developing countries like Pakistan the research in this area is sparse. Further, it provides strategic and practical suggestions to agencies regarding advantages of utilizing social media in their communication with citizens.  相似文献   

6.
This study investigates how social factors affect Taiwanese Internet users’ dual screening use and its impact on online and offline political participation. The Web survey recruits 961 dual screen users. Structural equation modeling results show that bridging social capital and perceived social presence are significantly associated with dual screening use. Dual screening is positively related to online and offline political participation. Dual screening use strongly influences offline political participation when mediated by online political participation. Moreover, alternative media trust is positively related to online political participation, whereas mainstream media trust shows a negative association.  相似文献   

7.
Research has shown that social media conversations with like-minded and politically dissimilar others are an important part of the political process. Yet more needs to be done to clarify the roles that these two types of social media-based conversations play in the political process. A stratified quota online survey was used to determine whether politically like-minded and dissimilar conversations mediate or moderate the relationship between social media-based political information consumption and political participation. Findings show support for the mediating, but not moderating role of politically based social media conversations. Social media political information consumption has a positive indirect relationship with political participation via both politically like-minded and dissimilar conversations. Contrary to previous research showing that politically dissimilar conversations impede political participation, results suggest that such conversations actually increase political participation. Implications of these findings are discussed.  相似文献   

8.
This study is based on a survey of 526 adult Malaysians who were interviewed shortly before the 2008 national election about online media use, levels of political participation, and voting intentions. The goal was to document the role of online media in a society that controls political information in traditional media and, in turn, compels citizens to seek alternative news sources online. As predicted, the findings indicated that online media use was positively associated with higher levels of political participation among Malaysian voters. The use of and exposure to social networking sites, political blogs, political online videos, party websites, and political ads on cell phones showed strong associations with political activism. However, the use of political online media did not predict voters’ likelihood of voting.  相似文献   

9.
Based on a national survey, attitudes towards the law and thelegal system of both Jews and Arabs in Israel were measured.Findings support the notion that Arabs as members of a minoritygroup express a higher degree of disobedience and express ahigher sense of injustice compared to the Jewish subjects. Findingstend to point to growing disobedience in the Israeli society,indicated by 22 percent of the Jewish subjects and 53 percentof the Arabs who express their readiness to take the law intotheir hands.  相似文献   

10.
This study assesses differences in use of social networking sites (SNSs) and relates them to different patterns of political participation, media use motivations, and political efficacy. Based on a Web survey of 1,230 South Korean voters, it finds that informational uses of SNSs are positively associated with expressive participation both online and offline, but not with collective participation. The use of SNSs for social interaction purposes was associated only with online expressive participation. Recreational uses had a negative or insignificant relationship with expressive and collective participation. Political efficacy moderated the impact of social interaction uses of SNSs on expressive participation both online and offline. The findings suggest that the political impact of SNSs is mostly limited to expressive participation and dependent upon users' motivations.  相似文献   

11.
More recently, many scholars have lamented the decline of social capital, civic and political participation in American society. This study attempts to clarify the concept of social capital and its major components. We differentiate two dimensions of social capital: trust and social connectedness. In addition, we investigate the differential effects of a full range of media use on civic and political participation.

Analysis of data from a telephone survey in Clarksville, Tennessee in 2002 showed that people's social connectedness enhances both civic and political participation. Time spent in reading newspaper and watching public affairs on television was positively correlated with political participation whereas frequency of Internet use and entertainment TV viewing was not. The results also showed no correlation between media use and civic participation. Implications of the findings for future research on democratic citizenship were discussed.  相似文献   

12.
Adopting a communication mediation approach, this study explores the role of overall social networking service (SNS) use in facilitating people’s participation in collective political action through the mediation of online and offline political discussions. The study also underscores the moderating effect on the mediation process of both social identity and geographical origin. Moderated mediation analyses reveal that the positive impact of overall SNS use on participation mediated by offline discussion is stronger for people with higher Hong Kong identity and for people from Hong Kong. This moderated mediation model specifies the socio-psychological mechanism of participation in collective political action in an immigrant society such as Hong Kong.  相似文献   

13.
The approach of context collapse and the notion of unintentional context collisions are of importance to scholars of social media. Israeli public hospitals are a particularly suitable venue for studying these topics, as they employ both Jewish and Arab practitioners, who care for both Jewish and Arab patients amid an ongoing violent conflict. In-depth interviews were conducted with 50 managers and healthcare practitioners (physicians and nurses), both Jewish and Arab, employed at 11 public hospitals in Israel. We found that despite hospitals managements’ instructions to avoid political discourse, it erupts nonetheless whenever the conflict escalates. Fearing damage to professional relations and care of patients, political discourse spills over into social media, where political opinions are expressed mostly by Arab practitioners and stereotypical attitudes against Arabs are expressed mostly by Jewish ones. Our study exemplifies the usefulness of the context collapse approach—and specifically unintentional context collisions—to work organizations and all the more so to healthcare organizations.  相似文献   

14.
曹钺  陈彦蓉 《新闻界》2020,(2):69-79
社交媒体在全球社会运动与政治变革中发挥的作用已引起高度关注,不过其具体的影响机制仍不明确且充满争议。本文利用TCS2015年的数据,使用Logistic回归模型对社交媒体接触(自变量)与线上、线下社会运动参与(因变量)之间的关系进行实证分析,并引入"政治自我概念"中的一系列心理变量(政治知识、政治兴趣、内在政治效能感、外在政治效能感)对个体性差异进行检验。研究发现,社交媒体展现出显著的、不可被抵消的动员效应。政治知识不会单独对社会运动参与程度产生影响,但可以与社交媒体产生交互效应,放大其对运动参与的正向效应。内在政治效能感既会对社会运动参与产生正向影响,又能强化社交媒体的动员效应。线上、线下两种运动模式的作用机制大致类似,但存在微妙的差异。上述结果部分支持了研究假设,反映出社会运动往往是个体心理与新媒介工具共同作用的结果。这些结论放置于台湾社会的现实政治语境中,可以带来思考与启发。  相似文献   

15.
This study draws on survey data obtained from members in neo-Nazi discussion forums and builds on evidence that participation in these forums exacerbates false consensus, that is, overestimating public support for own views. This study goes further to test whether contacts with dissimilar offline social networks as well as exposure to ideologically dissimilar news media attenuate false consensus and its association with online participation. Contrary to predictions, politically dissimilar networks do not reduce false consensus among the analyzed sample. Exposure to ideologically dissimilar news media, on the other hand, results in more accurate estimates (main effect), but it exacerbates false consensus as resulting from participation in neo-Nazi online groups (interactive effect). Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.  相似文献   

16.
Government social media has been integrated as part of the government administrative tools to improve public service and promote public goals. However, the current government information literature is limited to understanding government social media adoption and its purpose for political marketing. The present study seeks to understand the role of government social media in promoting government digital initiatives (i.e., government-backed digital currency). The study validated the inter-relationships between government social media effort, privacy concerns, trust in technology, reachability, and citizens' participation in government-initiated digital innovations. A total of 505 responses from Chinese citizens were collected through an online self-administered questionnaire survey, and the data was submitted to a two-stage Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling-Artificial Neural Network analysis. The analytic results revealed that privacy concerns, trust in technology, and reachability positively influence digital participation. In addition, the information quality and perception of trust in government social media have significant positive influences on government social media engagement. The study provides strategic practical suggestions to government agencies in effectively utilizing social media as a communication platform to foster citizens' participation in government's digital initiatives.  相似文献   

17.
Perception of party polarization has a positive impact on political participation. While past research suggests that such impact depends upon people’s information use, empirical evidence is lacking. We used a mediated moderation model to test the multiplicative effect between polarization perception and media use on political participation. The data for analysis came from a survey of 625 representative Hong Kong residents in 2015. Findings show that the impact of perceived party polarization on political participation is contingent upon one’s news attentiveness, and that internal political efficacy serves as a mediator that partially explains the interaction effect. Narrowed gaps in political knowledge, efficacy, and participation were observed between light and heavy news users as perceived party polarization rises. The implications of the findings with respect to political participation, role of news media use, and the formation of efficacy beliefs in the context of party polarization are discussed.  相似文献   

18.
Popular narratives assume that digital media play a central role mobilizing voters and especially young adults. Based on unique survey data of a diverse group or young adults from Spring, 2009, we consider the relationship between differentiated internet uses, and online and offline political engagement around the time of the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Thanks to our rich data set, we are able to consider both online and offline activities while taking into consideration more traditional measures. Our findings suggest that online forms of political engagement complement offline engagement. The pathways to young adults' political participation remain relatively stable. We also find an association between Internet skills, social network site usage and greater levels of engagement. These findings imply that although Internet usage alone is unlikely to transform existing patterns in political participation radically, it may facilitate the creation of new pathways for engagement.  相似文献   

19.
This study examines the role of membership in multiple issue publics by understanding its relationship to media use, online activity, and political knowledge. Using data from Taiwan's 2008 Social Change Survey, the study shows that members of multiple issue publics was positively associated with television watching, political talk show watching, and online news reading. In addition, they were found to engage in specific online activities, including information browsing, information exchanging, information gathering, taking part in forum discussions, and blogging. Therefore, members of multiple issue publics tend to use media with a high level of selectivity and engage in online activities that allow them to express opinions, gain knowledge, or discuss issues with others. A curvilinear relationship was explored and found between multiple issue-public membership and general political knowledge. This demonstrates that individuals' ability to process information may not extend beyond certain boundaries, no matter how many issue publics individuals are involved in.  相似文献   

20.
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed.  相似文献   

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