首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 187 毫秒
1.
媒介权力研究是西方传播学理论中直指媒介本质属性的核心议题,在我国则属于方兴未艾的新课题。本文在追溯西方传播学界对媒介权力内涵认知过程的基础上,对大众媒介权力的生成与作用机制进行了全方位剖析,并首创性地提出了"网络媒介权力"的新概念,为新时代的媒介权力研究建构了理论框架。  相似文献   

2.
在帝国建立的过程中,总是伴随着对最重要东西的垄断,而垄断背后则与权力有密切的关系。《帝国与传播》一书着眼于媒介的巨大影响力甚至它改变帝国的能力。媒介的重要性使之依据自身特性转化为倚重时空的不同偏向,从而表现为一种新形式:知识垄断。一方面,媒介由知识垄断这一中间环节又进而影响社会权力结构以及文明兴衰。另一方面,知识垄断是一个不断形成又消解的循环过程,背后永恒不变的推手是权力。媒介偏向与知识垄断相互影响,文明不断以新的形式延续。  相似文献   

3.
论电视媒介权力的概念及内涵   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
电视深刻地影响着当代人的生活,它介入生活的深度、广度和力度不断加大。它不仅成为媒体中的新贵,而且也已经成为一种权力本身。电视媒介权力,是由电视媒介从业者代理,政治人、经济人和文化人共同控制的、以有意影响和改变权力对象思想、行为的精神—文化、信息生产和传播的权力。它既是一种特殊的制度性权力,又是一种有意影响的权力。其权力特性可以概括为隐蔽性、公共性、双重性、依附性。  相似文献   

4.
媒介的发展经历了口语时代、文字时代、印刷时代、电子媒介时代以及当今的网络、新媒体时代几大基本阶段,人类语言的使用使媒介权力得以附庸出现,印刷和电子媒介阶段进一步巩固和强化了媒介权力,而到了网络新媒体时代,媒介权力有分化和弱化的趋势。从媒介发展史的角度来看媒介权力的变迁,有利于更好认识和利用媒介来权衡媒介权力,媒介权力也将最终回归公众化。  相似文献   

5.
李凯瑞  王海蛟 《传媒》2016,(15):86-88
全媒体时代,媒介权力不断扩张,逐渐影响到个人隐私权的保护。因此,明确个人隐私与公共领域的界限变得极为重要。本文结合媒介发展现状,重点探讨新媒体时代媒介权力扩张与个人隐私的关系、失衡表现与优化路径,以期为约束和规范媒介权力,保护个人隐私权提供一定参考。  相似文献   

6.
在社会转型过程之中,媒介转型在同步进行,并以数字化为演进的总趋势。媒介数字化转型意味着对原有媒介权力结构的调整,以及对数字化生存方式的一种积极回应。论文首先从经典文献的梳理入手,再围绕权力结构这一核心进行阐释,最后分析了有待探索研究的新领域。论文主要包括四个部分的内容:一是媒介转型的背景与路径,二是媒介数字化的价值与趋势,三是媒介使用与数字权力意志,四是亟待深入探索的新领域。论文试图阐述的理论重点,一是以信息自由增强大众政治参与意识,二是以壮大经济实力保障媒介的民主价值,三是以发挥文化的传承功能优化权力结构,四是以媒介融合为契机重构文化权力。论文在最后部分分析了需要深入探索的新领域,一是界面传播与数字权力,二是全媒体与数字权力。  相似文献   

7.
北京2008年奥运会的宣传报道工作十分重要,本文从权力对媒介的影响的视角,阐释各种权力主体是如何介入媒介对奥运会的报道以达到其预期的效果的。本文认为政治权力主导奥运新闻报道,文化权力全力配合奥运宣传,而经济权力与奥运会之间是一种双赢的关系。  相似文献   

8.
朱颖  乐志为 《当代传播》2011,(3):15-17,23
新闻传播权是权利还是权力一直是学界争议的话题.由于理论认识的模糊让新闻工作者仍不清楚自己的权责所在,给具体工作带来诸多不便.本文从权力的多元化角度论证媒介权具有权力的属性,阐明一般权力特性在媒介上的体现,并对我国媒体权力的运行方式进行探讨.  相似文献   

9.
1987年我党首次提出的新闻传媒"舆论监督"的新功能突破了"喉舌论"的理念下的媒介权力与党(政治)权力的单一的从属性结构模式,这一突破建构了当代中国媒介权力监督党(政治)权力的最初合法性,推动了当代中国新闻传媒反腐败报道的实践中所出现的官方"规定动作"之外的"自选动作"--"揭腐报道"的兴起.但是,由于突破之后,媒体权力与政治权力之间一直未能建构起新的明晰的结构关系,因而导致了新闻传媒舆论监督的具体实践的历程上充满了权力双方的博弈与角逐.而"揭腐报道"实践的起伏,也正反映了媒介权力与政治权力结构关系的动摇不定.  相似文献   

10.
媒介权力从正面讲,它既可以成为国家权力的延伸,实现对主流意识的传播,成为社会共识的凝合剂,也可以成为公共权力的监督制衡力量;它既是一种传播文化知识的权力,也是对反文化或消极文化实现控制的权力。从负面讲,由于媒介权力主体的非理性化倾向,导致媒介权力的滥用,表现为放弃文化启蒙和道德教化的社会责任;放弃环境监督和理性批判的社会责任,无原则地操纵或利用媒介;放弃文化理想和艺术创造的社会责任,制造和传播毫无审美价值的庸俗文化。  相似文献   

11.
浅论传媒经济是"权力经济"   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
陈燕  杜远远 《新闻界》2008,(3):84-86
本文在对传媒经济的产生和发展进行回顾、对媒介权力的实质和产生原因进行探讨、对"权力经济"展开重新认识的基础上,提出了传媒经济是"权力经济"的观点,并进一步分析了这一观点的指导意义。  相似文献   

12.
Through a case study on the news flow of an online protest in China, this study explores how the power relations among the mainstream media affect, and are affected by, the spillover effect of news. Even though the Internet does serve as a catalyst to initiate alternative voices that otherwise wouldn't be heard in the established media, the results reveal that the power structure inherent in the mainstream media (particularly within their online versions) such as bureaucratic ranks and institutional ties with party organs, plays a significant role in shaping the trajectory of news flow and media framing strategies. The Internet compensates for the disadvantage of the lower-level media that are short of political resources, while the higher-level media tend to rely on the political capital to exercise their influence. At the same time, the media with more political resources have become increasingly intrepid in challenging the state. Such a dynamic takes place in the context of the changing state-media relations that have seen the authoritarian state shift its information control from a totalitarian mode to a practical one, even though the latter may open up a space for flow of information that can sometimes undermine state power.  相似文献   

13.
In this study I conducted qualitative content analysis of alternative media in order to uncover the different categories about corporate power presented to activist audiences in social justice movements. I found that there were two dominant categories about corporate power disseminated through alternative media: (1) “traditional” corporate power and (2) hegemonic corporate power. “Traditional” corporate power is based on the idea that corporations dominate resources in society. Hegemonic corporate power is based on the idea that corporations dominate the ideological assumptions in contemporary society. Both of these categories hold significant implications for comprehension and classification of alternative media.  相似文献   

14.
李京丽 《新闻界》2008,(1):78-80
媒介终端化和终端媒介化是两种新的市场现象,也是两种营销模式和媒介发展趋势。对这两种关联现象进行分析和梳理后发现,媒介终端化和终端媒介化是一个双向运动的过程,其实质是在新媒体营销背景下,媒介和终端在经过市场价值裂变过后,各自功能和地位发生变化,从而引发的一场市场话语权的重新分配。  相似文献   

15.
中非智库合作进入新时代。为全面落实中非合作论坛北京峰会成果,加快中非命运共同体的构建,中非智库论坛第八届会议就“中非智库媒体交流合作与中非话语权建设”议题进行深入探讨。构建命运共同体对中非智库媒体提出新要求,讲好中非故事、捍卫话语权是中非智库媒体的新使命。中非应强化智库建设,构建全方位、立体化的中非智库合作网络;拓展中非智库合作领域,聚焦治国理政、职业教育、出版传播、法律服务等;加强智库媒体融合,创新叙事方式和路径,提升话语权和影响力,为共筑中非命运共同体提供智慧支持。  相似文献   

16.
Di Cui 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(6):582-600
The disappearance of Malaysian Airline Flight MH370 attracted high media attention across countries. To explore how news media outlets influence each other in transnational settings, this study focuses on the coverage of MH370 by three major newspapers in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong, and examines the inter-media agenda-setting effect as an indicator of media’s mutual influence. A content analysis of 255 news articles revealed significant correlations among the issue agendas of the 3 newspapers, suggesting the existence of reciprocal, though asymmetrical, influence among the news media in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong. The findings also suggest that news media differ in power and that news media in high-power countries play a key role in shaping the global news agenda.  相似文献   

17.
赵玮  常宁 《新闻界》2008,(6):8-9
在本访谈中.刘康教授结合我国目前所面临的传播环境,就如何提升中国的软实力.如何打造艮好积极的国家形象.媒介应如何提高传播策略提出了自己的看法和建议。  相似文献   

18.
Google suggests that connectivity is the new paradigm for politics in the digital age. I argue that the effect of connectivity is a shift in the operation of power from the centralized institutions of the state to the decentralized logistics of inclusion of the digital metropolis. Explaining this power's features, I elaborate a media theory of inclusive disjunction and a feminist theory of pornographic exposure. Locating cultural resistance to connectivity, I look to feminist artistic responses to the city, from which I explore the feminist imagining of connectivity through the metaphor of the storm to reclaim their bodies as sites of contestation.  相似文献   

19.
传播力是引导力、影响力、公信力的基础。在全球抗击新型冠状病毒疫情的时刻,《新华日报》作为主流媒体如何做到"居高而声自远"?本研究以"新华日报"与"抗疫"或"防疫"或"防控"或"疫情"为高级检索关键词,使用Gooseeker和八爪鱼采集器进行网页数据采集。通过将数据分为暴发期、平稳期两个参照组,针对"两微一端""政务平台""地方报刊"三个独立结构单位进行考察。结合传播力影响半径公式得出以下结论:《新华日报》抗疫报道在"两微一端"的传播力影响半径最大。"两微一端"倾向于吸收《新华日报》中疫情进展通报、防控政策、民生、交通、社会安全、科普辟谣的相关报道内容。与《新华日报》抗疫报道互动紧密的政务类平台,除了省级相关职能部门,"苏州工业园区管理委员会"和"中国淮安"显示度高。平稳期《新华日报》抗疫报道对政务类平台的传播力指数更高。《新华日报》抗疫报道在江苏以外的地方级报刊中传播力影响半径不大,这与疫情发展态势、媒体性质亦有关系。  相似文献   

20.
Much academic analysis of media representations of drugs-related violence in Brazil has focused on their role in perpetuating violence and societal divisions. There is less research on how the country’s traditional news media can shape information in order to foster dialogue between people and potentially resolve conflict. This article aims to address this gap by exploring the possibilities and challenges for printed news media to acquire “mediated” social capital. The concept is understood here as a specific resource of power that has the potential to connect people from diverse social, cultural and economic backgrounds. In order to do so, we analyse how a popular Rio newspaper has used its symbolic power to produce social capital with an investigative series about Brazil’s involvement in the international drugs trade. It is argued here that the series paints a complex picture of its causes and consequences and is an important step towards a deliberative process about possible solutions to drugs-related violence in Rio and beyond.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号