共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Yang Lin 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(4):393-402
The role of mass media in the presidential primaries has not been examined in the same fashion as in the presidential general elections, congressional elections, and gubernatorial elections. This study is based on a survey (face‐to‐face interviews) of 392 adults randomly selected from a city with a population of 444,000 during the 1996 presidential primaries. The results of the hierarchical multiple regression analyses show that television news programs increase learning about candidate issue policies. People's confidence in judging which candidate has a better chance to win the party's nomination is influenced by reading of newspaper campaign stories, viewing of the campaign commercials, and their attention to the campaign news on TV. This study enriches our understanding of media effects in the presidential primaries. 相似文献
2.
Young Min PhD 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):192-204
The present study, as an international application of an agenda-setting model, investigates how campaign agendas of issues are constructed in an election. The Korean Congressional election of 2000 provided rich empirical data for this study; the political party agenda, the civic agenda, and the news agenda were measured in terms of issue salience at two different data points in time during the official campaign period. The results of the cross-lagged rank-order correlations between different agendas indicated the following. First, the party agenda as a whole had little impact on the formation of the news agenda. The party–news relationship, however, showed a different pattern at an individual newspaper level. Specifically, a more conservative newspaper was more susceptible to those parties’ agenda-setting than was its progressive rival. Second, a nationwide civic movement for political reforms slightly influenced the formation of the news agenda, especially that of the reformist newspaper agenda. Both newspapers, on the other hand, substantially influenced the civic campaign's issue emphases. Finally, there existed no significant interactions between the party and the civic agendas. 相似文献
3.
This study examines whether or not attention to campaign newsinfluences political trust. It also explores whether politicaltrust predicts attention to campaign news, and whether the mechanismof influence between attention to campaign news and politicaltrust differs across educational levels. Political trust wasoperationalized as trust in government. The 1992 American NationalElection Survey data were used. Results of two-stage least squaresanalysis show that attention to television campaign coveragereduced trust in government, while a low level of trust in governmentincreased attention to newspaper campaign coverage. More importantly,the mechanism of influence between political trust and attentionto campaign coverage differed across educational levels. Amongthe less educated, attention to campaign coverage on televisionled to lower levels of trust. Among the more educated, a lowlevel of trust in government increased attention to campaigncoverage. The findings also indicate that the types of media(television vs. newspapers) matter when it comes to media effectson political trust, Implications of findings on the relationshipsbetween the concepts of political trust, vigilant skepticism,education, and media use are discussed. 相似文献
4.
R. Lance Holbert Ph.D. Jennifer L. Lambe Ph.D. Anthony D. Dudo M.A. Kristin A. Carlton M.A. 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(1):20-38
This study examines program ordering effects derived from viewing CNN television news relative to The Daily Show on the political gratifications associated with both types of information sources. Internal political self-efficacy is assessed as an individual-difference moderator. Main primacy effects are found on the gratifications associated with both national television news viewing and The Daily Show viewing. However, The Daily Show primacy effect on the political gratifications associated with national television news viewing was isolated among those participants who retain low internal political self-efficacy. Ramifications for these findings are outlined and future lines of research are summarized. 相似文献
5.
Barry A. Hollander 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(1):97-113
A knowledgeable electorate is one of the fundamental assumptions of a healthy democracy, and yet studies consistently find the public underperforms in tests of political knowledge. In addition, television news exposure is often poorly associated with political knowledge. Explanations for this include the kinds of knowledge measured. Using an experiment nested in a national survey, this study finds television news exposure is a significant predictor of recognition knowledge while exposure to news via the Internet is a predictor of recall knowledge. 相似文献
6.
William L. Benoit 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):274-295
This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to 118 political advertisements (television spots, newspaper ads, direct mail, and WWW pages) from 1998. Acclaims (self‐praise; positive statements) were the most common function (84%), followed by attacks (criticism, negative statements; 15%). Defenses (refutation of attacks) were relatively infrequent (1%). There were some differences by medium (WWW pages had the most acclaims, while television spots had the most attacks; no defenses occurred on WWW pages or in direct mail) but these functions are consistent both across media and with prior research on presidential campaign advertising. Incumbents produced more acclaims than challengers, who attacked more than incumbents. Finally, policy utterances were more common than character utterances in all media but www pages. The overall consistency in Junctions and topics across media and across levels of campaigns (presidential and non‐presidential) strongly suggests the existence of important situational influences on political campaign advertising. These findings can be useful for practitioners, theorists, and critics of campaign discourse. 相似文献
7.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(3):303-332
The study of political mass communication information outlet effects has been dominated by two types of studies, those which focus on a single outlet and those which look at the comparative influence of multiple outlets. The current study seeks to advance a third study type by offering a theory of political campaign media connectedness. Three axioms are offered in this work. In addition, a series of hypotheses involving five political communication campaign information outlets (conservative political talk radio, FOX cable TV news, daily newspapers, national network TV news, debate viewing) are posited. This work emphasizes the need to understand how various information outlets function in coordination with one another to produce a potentially diverse set of direct and indirect political campaign media effects. Future lines of theoretical inquiry and empirical research are outlined. 相似文献
8.
In September 1996 a federal appeals court ruled that broadcasters cannot refuse daytime or prime time television federal candidates’ political advertisements containing abortion images. Broadcasters argued the advertisements were harmful to children and, thus, should be restricted. This article explores this public interest dilemma involving two competing interests: the concern for the welfare of children and the public interest in informed political debate. This article also discusses implications of the court decision. 相似文献
9.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):402-415
The fragmenting media landscape has led many, particularly younger citizens, to identify entertainment-based programs as key sources of political information. This research used national survey data to examine whether exposure to comedy and late-night programs actually informs viewers, focusing on two kinds of political knowledge thought to differ depending on the media used: recall and recognition. Some support was found for the prediction that the consumption of such programs is more associated with recognition of campaign information than with actual recall. Age, however, demonstrated modest interaction effects with viewing. 相似文献
10.
This eight-nation comparative study adopts a multi-modal analytical approach in investigating education driven stratification in political participation and the simultaneous roles of various media (print newspaper, television, radio, and social media) and press freedom in influencing this inequality. The findings suggest that informational use of social media, print newspaper, and radio increases the likelihood of participation, but consuming television news inhibits participation. Furthermore, social media use, like radio and television use, exacerbates education-generated inequality. Press freedom as a socio-political factor reinforces the role of the television, print newspaper, and social media in participation inequality. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed. 相似文献
11.
Theory and past research argue for the importance of understanding the effect of various campaign communication forms (e.g., newspapers, television news, radio, debates, candidate advertising, and personal discussions) on levels of issue knowledge (IK). This study used a meta-analytic approach to examine how well these forms predict IK. The aggregate analysis indicates that any of these forms can affect IK but that the different forms are not equally successful. Findings also indicate that the level of campaign interest moderates the effect of reading newspapers and watching television news and that those who watch debates in years with incumbents are less likely to learn. In addition, studies of newspapers are less likely to find significant effects in recent years, even though the issue content of newspapers has increased. The findings also suggest that television news is more likely to influence IK when levels of issue content are greater. These data indicate that measures of media use and IK can systematically influence the study results. Several conclusions are drawn from the research in the hopes of moving toward a theoretical model of communication forms and the attainment of IK. 相似文献
12.
In this article we extend recent work on exposure to campaign advertisements, comparing the effects of television ads, radio ads, and campaign-related e-mails using an unusual panel data set that provides information on multiple media sources. Our findings, which control for the endogeneity problem that has plagued much work in political communications, confirm that media exposure does affect citizen attitudes. We also find additional evidence that the medium matters, with exposure to television ads tending to undermine system-supporting attitudes, whereas exposure to radio ads has an overall positive effect; contrary to expectations, the “new medium” of campaign e-mails had no discernible effect. 相似文献
13.
This study explored citizens' political involvement, their attention to candidates ' issue stands or personal qualities, and their evaluations of the relevance of different sources of information to political decision making. A telephone survey of a random sample (N = 420) of registered voters in a Southwestern city indicated that involvement did not associate with evaluations of the relevance of newspapers or television news to political decision making and negatively associated with evaluations of the relevance of advertising to political decision making. In addition, respondents ' attention to candidates 'personal qualities positively associated with evaluations of advertising relevance to political decision making, whereas their attention to candidates ' issue stands positively associated with their evaluations of the relevance of interpersonal communication to political decision making. These results suggest that involved voters receive little benefit from political advertisements, whereas voters who attend to candidate images find them informative. Interpersonal communication is an especially important source of election information for highly involved voters and for voters who attend to candidate issues. 相似文献
14.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(2-3):185-205
In this study, I replicate recent research conducted in Germany (Peiser, 1996) on differential effects of television on birth cohorts' media use in the first 2 decades after the diffusion of television. Cohort analyses of television viewing, attitude toward television, and newspaper reading were conducted using secondary data from the corresponding decades in the United States. Unlike in Germany, the American television generation apparently developed a closer relation with television than the preceding cohorts. As in Germany, newspaper reading was lower among the younger cohorts. The study's results point to a displacement process in the United States, and they suggest that the effects of growing up with television may depend on a country's television system. 相似文献
15.
Moy Patricia; Xenos Michael A.; Hess Verena K. 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》2006,18(2):198-210
Having become fully integrated into the contemporary politicallandscape, infotainment-oriented media extend Americans’traditional news (e.g. newspaper, radio, and television) toinclude a greater number of sources for political information,and in some cases, political mobilization. Given the increasingprominence of infotainment-oriented media in contemporary politics,this study addresses the effects of one particular type of infotainment—late-nightcomedy—during the 2000 presidential campaign. Specifically,we are interested in whether watching late-night comedy showsinfluences viewers’ evaluations of the candidates whohave appeared on these shows; in particular, we investigatepriming as the mechanism by which such influences occur. Findingsfrom the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey (N = 11,482)indicate that evaluations of candidates are based in part onrespondents’ sociodemographics, perceptions of candidatesto handle certain issues, and their character traits. Therewas a main effect of watching late-night comedy on evaluationsof candidates; more importantly, viewers were more likely thannonviewers to base their evaluations of George W. Bush on charactertraits after he appeared on The Late Show with David Letterman. 相似文献
16.
Lars Willnat 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):47-67
This study analyses the impact of perceptions of the opinions of others on political outspokenness in Hong Kong. Based on the results of two representative telephone surveys conducted in Hong Kong in 1993 and 1995, the spiral of silence theory is tested in the context of public opinion regarding the Sino‐British dispute over Hong Kong's political future and the 1995 Legislative Council election. As hypothesized, respondents in both surveys were more willing to voice their political opinions publicly when they perceived the majority opinion to be on their side, or when they perceived a trend in support of their own political viewpoint. However, this effect was observed only for respondents who were not much concerned about either issue. People's political outspokenness was primarily boosted by higher issue salience, more exposure and attention to television news and news magazines, and higher political interest and efficacy. 相似文献
17.
This study examined substantive political coverage of the first presidential debate and the political conventions in 2004 on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast television networks' nightly newscasts. The study found the networks' coverage to be more hype than substance and coverage on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart to be more humor than substance. The amount of substantive information in The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast network newscasts was the same, regardless of whether the unit of analysis was news stories about the presidential election campaign or the entire half-hour program. 相似文献
18.
Jason Turcotte 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2017,45(5):576-595
Despite news fragmentation, declining levels of voter knowledge, and waning interest in U.S. politics, debates attract mass audiences, reduce barriers of learning, and offer a greater focus on policy issues than that typically found in campaign news coverage. Nonetheless, debates are routinely driven by the same commercial, for-profit news journalists who routinely emphasize strategic campaign issues (e.g. the horserace) at the expense of policy content. As moderators, journalists have been scrutinized for the agenda they set in electoral debates. Using a multiyear dataset that treats debate questions as the unit of analysis, this quantitative content analysis explores news routines in the context of mediated debates while isolating media characteristics predictive of news attention to policy matters. The data show that journalists working for local news outlets and those working for commercial outlets are more likely to emphasize policy issues. Implications for debate sponsorship and campaigns are discussed. 相似文献
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20.
This study examines theoretical connections among three variables, each in its own way engendering profound political implications for the Chinese society today: news use, national pride, and political trust. We focused on the impact of ‘positivity bias in news’ and advanced a theoretical model on the basis of framing theory to address the dynamics of propaganda and its persuasive effects. Using data from the World Value Survey, we found: (1) news use in general, television news viewing in particular, was positively associated with political trust and national pride; (2) impact of news use on political trust disappeared once national pride was statistically controlled; and (3) intensity of national pride moderated the bivariate relationship between news use and political trust. The effect of party propaganda intended to consolidate political trust in China was contingent upon both one's affective ties to the state and the form of news media regularly consumed. 相似文献