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1.
Tamara Witschge 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):342-356
Mediatization of politics in the institutional perspective is commonly taken to refer to the interactions between political actors and media actors, where the first become increasingly governed by media logic and the latter become increasingly independent from other institutions. Even though we could picture the relations between the different constituents as a triangle with audience, media and political actors as equally important corners, the institutionalist perspective does not give equal attention to the audience as actor in the process. In this article, I ask to what extent audience participation in news production affects our understanding of the process of mediatization of politics. I discuss both how audience participation can be seen as a challenge to media's role in politics (challenging the current conceptualization of mediatization of politics) as well as how the theory of mediatization can be seen to be confirmed by currently dominant audience participation practices. In the first understanding, we can argue that audience participation challenges independence of institutional media actors (to give more power to both audiences and politicians). In the latter understanding, audience participation can be seen to be governed by the same commercial interests as other media production and in addition that both mainstream and alternative media are subject to search engine logic. This article then calls for a critical examination of our understanding of mediatization of politics to do justice to the multiplicity of logics informing media practices, the multiplicity of actors producing news and, crucially, the interaction between those logics and actors. 相似文献
2.
Anat Peleg 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):311-325
This paper investigates the characteristics that point to the mediatization of legal coverage in Israel, and the adoption of media rather than legal logic in the coverage of five trials of key political figures between 1961 and 2012 in two leading Israeli newspapers. Using insights from the literature on the mediatization of political coverage, our analysis focused on the changes over time in the type of dramatization of trial news; in the nature of criticism expressed in the press; in the forms of journalists' interventions and judgments; in the context of the meta-coverage of media advisors and media initiatives by legal actors; and the media's own reflections about these interventions. We found that the mediatization of the legal sphere resulted in a “trial by media” where journalists pass judgments on defendants and present media alternatives to legal procedures. Moreover, meta-coverage of the media strategies of legal actors was accompanied by “counter-interventionism”, i.e., journalistic criticism of their own role in cooperating with the media interventions of legal actors. We suggest that this “counter-interventionism” is tied to the defense of the legal sphere by legal journalists. 相似文献
3.
Páraic Kerrigan 《Media History》2013,19(2):244-258
Little is known about the relationship between the Irish gay press and the AIDS crisis during the 1980s. This article aims to fill this gap by presenting the findings of a study dealing with the AIDS epidemic in Ireland and how it was confronted through the alternative media platform of OUT magazine. Using issues of OUT, it argues that alternative media in Ireland were pivotal in generating vital public health information for the gay community, particularly when the mainstream press and Irish government were not providing the necessary resources. This article also highlights the activist potential of alternative media such as OUT, as it engaged with public bodies in an attempt to hold them accountable for their response, or lack thereof, to the epidemic. The Irish gay press is thus an important example of how alternative media are critical when mainstream society ignores a particular group’s public health needs. 相似文献
4.
香港的传媒、政治和社会变迁 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
回归后的香港存在着影响传媒表现和运作的众多因素,本文认为再国族化、国际化和本土化是一个有助于分析香港传媒和政治变迁的框架,并以此框架分析了近两年来香港传媒如何响应重大社会和政治事件。在传媒和权力结构之间的关系外,香港的社会和经济转变等非非政治性的社会变迁也影响着香港传媒的发展。 相似文献
5.
Lotta Lounasmeri 《Journalism Practice》2017,11(10):1302-1318
When societal elites seem to be in consensus about a political issue, journalism traditionally takes on a more conservative role in organising public discussion. For an issue to become controversial in mainstream media, a crisis of some kind is often needed, followed by lack of consensus among the different elites. This article uses coverage of globalisation in Finland’s most influential newspaper to see if the theory of the spheres of public discussion can be applied to a particular journalistic culture. The model is used to see how media treat elite and non-elite actors who wish to participate in public discussion. In order to draw conclusions about how the media operate regarding giving voice to dissent or upholding the status quo in society, it is necessary to take into account the historical and social context of the relationship between a country’s media and the state. 相似文献
6.
《Government Information Quarterly》2022,39(2):101675
Open Government Data (OGD) ecosystems are composed of public, private and non-profit actors playing specific roles related to the availability and use of publicly accessible government information. The literature considers the presence of healthy ecosystems as crucial for effective use of OGD, with positive effects on democracy, policy effectiveness, and economic development. This paper employs the Exponential Random Graph model (ERGM) technique to empirically explore relations among the actors of an OGD ecosystem for public participation in the context of the European Policy in Italy. The models estimate the likelihood of an ecosystem connection between actors as documented online via Twitter, by considering the type of actor - namely government organizations, user communities, NGOs and the media - and their locations. The analysis showed that governmental organizations as data providers and intermediaries play a crucial role in disseminating OGD and facilitating their use by local communities. Government organizations as policy makers were much less active. In addition, NGOs and the media were less disposed than government actors to serve as data intermediaries and less likely than local communities to engage in policy deliberation. These patterns suggest that the nature and level of engagement by various actors may be influenced by their interest in the specific purpose of the ecosystem. Finally, co-location is a powerful predictor of the creation of new connections among actors of all kinds, demonstrating that effective local data use can be enabled and encouraged by national data provision. 相似文献
7.
《Government Information Quarterly》2014,31(4):545-555
Researchers and practitioners around the world recognize the potential of information technologies to promote government transformation. This transformation has been understood in at least two different ways: (1) as a transformation of internal processes and (2) as a transformation of the relationships between governments and other social and political actors (institutional transformation). Unfortunately, there is little or no evidence of such transformation, and current studies reveal that for this transformation to happen, a better understanding of the complex relationships between information technologies, organizations, and institutions is still required. This paper presents a theory of the co-evolution of technology, organizational networks, and institutional arrangements in the transformation of government. The theory uses the grammars of system dynamics and builds upon institutional approaches to understand interactions among all these variables in the development of information and communication technologies in government. Although the theory suggests the relevance of some specific reinforcing processes in this transformation, the endogenous view used in the theory empowers all stakeholders by illustrating how transformation could be promoted from any individual position involved in the process of developing digital government applications. 相似文献
8.
《Library & information science research》2000,22(1):5-34
This longitudinal study, carried out between November 1993 and 1998, investigated the reasons that adult learners in Iceland gave for wanting to learn about the Internet, and their attitudes to it. Data were collected through a short open-ended electronic mail survey delivered to participants in Internet training courses held in Iceland over a three-year period. The authors describe the three stages in the research: identification of elements of an analytical framework; testing of a behavioral intention model of Internet use based on the theory of planned behavior; and use of the model to identify attitudes to the Internet, social influences on Internet use, perceived control of Internet use, and changes in these factors as the Internet became more widely known. They observed that learners' intended uses of the Internet became more specific between 1994 and 1996. While the influence of the media and the general community increased in this period, attitudes remained relatively stable. Participants found the Internet interesting and useful, with positive advantages over other media. They were positively disposed toward it as a source of information. For some, use was constrained by perceptions that they needed to have more knowledge or understanding in order to use the Internet better. 相似文献
9.
Scholars and practitioners argue that the most important interactions between citizens and government happen at the local level. These relationships could become closer and more frequent with the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs). In fact, portals could be seen not only as channels for providing government information and services, but also as powerful tools to exchange information and knowledge between different social actors and government entities and to enable participation in collective decision-making efforts about important public affairs. For instance, social media and other Web 2.0 tools could provide new electronic channels for these interactions through their inclusion in local government portals. This paper argues that although important modifications to the organizational and institutional frameworks would be necessary, the potential for local electronic governance through networks of government and non-government actors via internet portals is clearly present. However, a very important first step would be the inclusion of more interaction, participation, and collaboration mechanisms in government portals. Similar to previous efforts with data from the U.S., this paper describes the results of a recent assessment of local government portals in Mexico. The conclusion is that progress toward citizen engagement is slow in local governments and there are very few efforts to increase interaction, participation, and collaboration channels on their portals. Most of them are still following the vision of information and services providers and a local electronic governance model is still in its very initial stages. It seems that e-government in municipalities is still more rhetoric and less reality, at least in some countries. 相似文献
10.
The role of the press as a political watchdog is crucial to the functioning of democracy. Especially in the run-up to elections, voters depend on the media's presentation of parties and candidates to make informed, responsible choices at the ballot box. But who, then, influences the news media? Empirical evidence in the United States and Europe suggests that political party campaigns and election coverage in the news media are interconnected and influence each other. This study tests whether such agenda-setting effects between party campaigns and the media also take place in the general elections in the world's largest democracy, India. India's western-type political system has a distinct media system characterized by high competition, diversification, non-consolidation and formal and informal ties between the media, commercial interests and political actors. Content analysis and Granger's causality test of newspaper coverage (N?=?716) and party campaign messages (N?=?458) found that agenda-setting effects do occur in India, but are largely bi-directional. We also found an overwhelming focus of both newspapers’ election coverage and of all major party campaigns on one single candidate, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s Narendra Modi. This, we argue, is a result of the broader trends that have shaped Indian politics in recent years. The significant correlations and non-significant causal effects between party campaign and media coverage also indicate a trade-off situation between political power negotiation and political balance in the press. 相似文献
11.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):41-56
Work on categorization of national press systems in the last 40 years has been grounded in the well-known Four Theories of the Press. Whereas this approach has been strongly criticized by international scholars for its idealism and its poverty of empiricism, it is still widely taught in introductory journalism courses across the country, and few theorists have engaged in grounding the theory with data in international settings. Although journalism is contextualized and constrained by press structure and state policies, it is also a relatively autonomous cultural production of journalists negotiating between their professionalism and state control. This article thus proposes a new model incorporating the autonomy of individual journalistic practices into political and social structural factors-the interaction of which might currently more accurately represent press practices in the new international order. With an understanding of the background of the journalistic practices and state policies of 4 countries/cities, the multinational media coverage of a specific event is explicated in the light of the new model. This new model explains the journalistic variations that cannot be clearly revealed using a state-policy press model alone. 相似文献
12.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101484
Social media enables public sector organizations to connect with citizens. Next to this, it can help organizations provide more detailed and useful information. But to what extent is social media used by local governments for interaction purposes, and what factors influence this? In this article, we study how Dutch local governments use Twitter for interaction, linking this to political, institutional, and socio-economic determinants. We find that politically fragmented municipalities use Twitter more for interaction, suggesting that political multiplicity forms a stimulus for more online engagement. Moreover, municipalities that have a Twitter account for a longer time make more advanced use of its functions, implying that municipalities with longer experience are better acquainted with a platform's strengths and weaknesses. Finally, municipalities with a higher presence of people in the age group 20–65 as well as municipalities with more higher-educated people use their social media more for interaction. The same counts for municipalities with more ICT workers. 相似文献
13.
Mattias Ekman 《Journalism Practice》2015,9(1):78-91
The emergence of social media raises new questions concerning the relationship between journalists and politicians and between news media and politics. The increasingly complex media milieu, in which the boundaries between media producers and audiences become partly dissolved, calls for new theoretical approaches in the study of journalism. This article reassesses central theoretical arguments about the relationship between journalism, sources, politics and democracy. Drawing on a pilot study of the printed press, it explores the increased social media use among politicians in Sweden and its implications for political journalism. The article suggests that power relations between journalism and politics can be fruitfully explored from the perspective of mediatized interdependency, a perspective that acknowledges that journalists and politicians have become both actors and sources through mutual interaction in online spaces. Furthermore, it argues that social media use has expanded journalism's interest in the private life of politicians, thereby contributing to a de-politicization of politics. 相似文献
14.
Haiyan Wang 《Journalism Practice》2016,10(5):663-679
The purpose of this paper is to explicate two competing journalistic paradigms in China in the pre-reform era. The time frame is from the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 to the launching of the reform and open policy in 1978. A common view is that during that period the Chinese government, under the leadership of Chairman Mao, adopted the Soviet press model, in which media were tightly controlled by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and journalism was overwhelmingly dominated by the principles of a party press. In this paper, however, I argue that two journalistic paradigms operated simultaneously during that period: while the CCP and the government tried to impose the principle of statesman-run-newspapers, some journalists tried to maintain a tradition of intellectual-run-newspapers. The differences between the two paradigms regarding the role of the media, journalistic identity, levels of autonomy, narrative style, historical origin and others are discussed. The paper concludes that although intellectual-run-newspapers faced severe crackdowns, the inspirational force of the paradigm never became extinct. More importantly, it has been a continued influence on critical-minded journalists in China today. 相似文献
15.
当前,手机已成为继报刊、广播、电视、互联网之后被公众所广泛认知的"第五媒体",即手机媒体。手机媒体内容作为无可置疑的著作权法涵盖客体是手机媒体传播的主要对象,其信息网络传播权因手机媒体传播方式的多样性而受到巨大威胁。手机媒体内容信息网络传播权研究是著作权法学理论应用于手机媒体领域中的一项重要课题。文章以手机媒体内容的作品性为研究基点,探讨其信息网络传播权的内涵与特征,进而界定了常见的侵权行为。 相似文献
16.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(4):101519
The reform of Italian public administration, which started in the 1990s, shifted the consolidated paradigm towards a results-oriented management of the res publica. The new regulatory framework emphasised the role of the evaluation process carried out by the designated audit authorities (OIV or NDV); legislators provided a new information system principally making accessible the audit-related data and other information via the institutional websites of Italian cities. In this context, the Minister of Public Administration promoted the platform called ‘Bussola della Trasparenza’, the goal of which is to ensure easy access to institutional data of the municipalities and to evaluate the available information. However, we found that the results provided by this platform were unreliable. Our study of 525 municipalities showed severe discrepancies with Bussola's evaluation, suggesting a lack of transparency. We therefore propose a logit model as an alternative framework to evaluate the probability that a municipal website is compliant with the new regulations using a set of predictors to consider a broader and more complete definition of transparency. This model is thought to be a practical tool to correctly evaluate the compliance of municipal websites. 相似文献
17.
This survey examines how viewers of Al-Jazeera perceive the network's presentation of graphic and war-related visuals and whether the viewers perceive that the TV channel provides visual information they cannot find in national Arab media, CNN, and other Western media. Nearly 9 in 10 respondents supported the use of graphic imagery saying watching those visuals was a good decision for them and that the network provides a unique source of visual information. Further, attitudes toward press freedom and media reliance correlated with support for graphic visuals after controlling for demographic variables. 相似文献
18.
以布迪厄的场域理论为出发点,基于对南方Z市政务微信编辑的深度访谈,本文研究认为,政务微信生产实践宜理解为新闻场域与政治场域两种文化逻辑之间的融合与冲突,理解为其间各行动主体之间的博弈。具体地,政务微信的融合形态有四,即,"忠"且"传","忠"而不"传","不忠"而"传","不忠"且"不传"。融合中的冲突性元素源于各自相异的场域逻辑,显现为融合中的行动主体--行政领导与微信编辑--在投入与效果、有为与无为、代际差异三方面的博弈。不过,两大场域在目标上可能的一致性,即,政治安全前提下的市场致效,使得政务新媒体仍存在有机融合的空间。基于此,本文尝试性地将我国政务新媒体实践概括为"博弈性融合"。 相似文献
19.
Andrew Rojecki 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):152-171
Post-cold war theories of the press and foreign policy have noted a new, less consistent relationship between political and media elites. Political communication scholars have developed three general models in response, but these do not seem to map well to press coverage of the anti-globalization movement that has emerged in recent years. This paper argues for a new theory of the press and oppositional politics in an environment that has altered the equilibrium between media, political elites, and interest groups. The new political environment results from three principal causes: the erosion of state sovereignty over the political economy, the elimination of the Soviet system as a rhetorical resource for movement critics, and new information technologies that alter movement structure and thus increase its resilience. Analysis of two streams of media content, news and editorial, on the protests at the 1999 meetings of the World Trade Organization reveals an anomalous reversal for received theories of media and elite power in the way the mainstream press covers movement politics. 相似文献
20.
《Journal of Government Information》2000,27(4):455-469
In most countries, a key figure in the provision of public information at the central government level is the government information officer (GIO). These individuals may be known as spokespersons, press officers, press attachés, public affairs officers, or public information officers. A GIO contributes to public understanding of government policies and raises awareness of the roles of decision makers and purview of state institutions, the availability of social services, noteworthy trends, and risks to public health and safety. In Central and Eastern Europe, a GIO's responsibilities typically include: monitoring media coverage of public affairs; briefing and advising political officials; managing media relations; providing information directly to the public; sharing information across the administration; formulating communication strategies and campaigns; and researching and assessing public opinion. Because of the region's communist heritage, GIOs in Central and Eastern Europe confront a number of special challenges, starting with poorly performing public administrations. Other problems include immature media, secrecy and political influence, and a lack of training and skills. However, as democratic, market, and media practices in Central and Eastern Europe come to resemble those in Western Europe, the activities and attitudes of GIOs in the former region are becoming more like their counterparts in the latter. 相似文献