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1.
Geok Hwa Kee 《Asia Pacific Education Review》2010,11(4):467-476
Are the academic and social experiences of Chinese Malaysian students as much an outcome of the selective acculturation strategy of their parents as the linguistic assimilation policy of the government? Driven by economic necessity on one hand and pressured by cultural preservation on the other, Chinese parents first send their sons and daughters to Chinese-medium primary schools and then Malay-medium secondary schools. Facing linguistic assimilation and racial stratification, students with opportunistic attitudes accumulate language capital and obey discipline rules. Those with oppositional attitudes and defiant behaviors are labeled as “hard cores” and pressured to quit school. As “model students” (high achievers) become technical professionals and “hard cores” (low achievers) work as unskilled workers for co-ethnic entrepreneurs, social stratification is reproduced within the Chinese community. 相似文献
2.
Emily R. Crawford Kathryn Fishman-Weaver 《International journal of qualitative studies in education》2016,29(3):273-296
Policy around the legal status and social rights of the nation’s estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants is unresolved, making it imperative that PK-12 schools and educators prepare for challenges to undocumented students’ educational access. In 2008, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) appeared near an elementary school, which required school personnel to use the space in and around their school to demarcate boundaries to limit the impact of ICE activity on the school community. Critical moral geography is the guiding theoretical construct the authors use to examine the intersection of immigration policy and education in the context of immigration enforcement near a public school. Critical moral theory suggests that “places” are sites where people contest their values and concepts of what is morally correct, engaging in struggles over power. Thinking about space broadly allows for an exploration of how different policies converge and affect the spaces where educators are trying to engage in moral work. The authors conclude that educators can be instrumental in creating safe spaces for undocumented students. 相似文献
3.
The introduced policy of “synchronized enrollment of public and private schools” has once again triggered the debate on the effectiveness of public and private schools. Based on the data of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2018 from four Chinese provinces and municipalities, this paper explores whether private schools gain a relative advantage in student academic performance through student “screening” or academic “meritocracy,” through a hierarchical linear model (HLM) and an empirical test of the propensity score matching (PSM). It has been found that the academic performance of students in private schools is significantly better than that in public schools. But with background, metacognitive ability, and learning hours of students in private schools controlled for, such academic performance is not significantly superior, suggesting that private schools rely heavily on student “screening” to achieve a relative advantage in student academic performance. This finding has also verified the scientific nature of the above policy. 相似文献
4.
Claudia W. Ruitenberg 《Educational Studies A Journal of the American Educational Studies Association》2013,49(1):17-28
In this article, I add a discursive analysis to the discussion about Muslim girls and women's dress in non-Muslim educational contexts. I argue that a law or policy that prohibits the wearing of khimar, burqa, chador, niqab, hijab, or jilbab in the context of public schools is a form of censorship in educational contexts. This sartorial censorship is miseducative in the sense that it impedes the achievement of important educational goals, especially in public education. I consider the public nature of public education and discuss three sets of miseducative effects: First, the examination of discursive processes, including the production of social norms, is limited. Second, the critical uptake of the banned discourse by female Muslim students themselves is foreclosed, and their agency hindered. Third, a metadiscourse arises that translates individual sartorial discursive acts into generalized terms (such as “veils” and “headscarves”) without noticing what is lost in translation. 相似文献
5.
Ronnie Casella 《International journal of qualitative studies in education》2013,26(3):349-372
Based on qualitative research on school and city violence, this article examines three forms of partnerships between community organizations and schools, including youth interventions by social services; community activism; and school liaisons with the police. The article examines how violence-prevention strategies are conceived within a context that includes the formation of policy directed at communities, youths, and schools; social science theories of delinquency; public rhetoric about youth and families; and efforts on the part of community residents, city departments, and social services. The underlying theory-base behind the research can be associated with cultural studies, since it combines cultural and structural interpretations of the topic and analyzes policies according to their processes, in light of their constructions, and in connection with the theories that guide them. It becomes obvious by the end of the article that community-based violence-prevention organizations collaborating with schools are sometimes blocked from doing good work by poor funding, power struggles, and a deficit model of youth. While the partnerships can, at times, help to initiate positive involvement of disenfranchised people, they can also become instruments of city power structures. For their positive and productive work to come out, the interagency and school collaborations must solve the problems that are discussed in the article. 相似文献
6.
The Free Primary Education (FPE) policy in Kenya created a dichotomy between the widespread notion that the government should be responsible for everything and the reality that the government had stopped recruiting teachers. This article investigates the current state of the accountability system for school governance in public schools in the Maasai community in Loitokitok District, Kajiado County, by focusing on the client power of parents and communities. A case study of eight schools in the Masai community reveals that a sense of “working together” and a substantial degree of client power are present in various school initiatives. Elements that enhance client power include information sharing, collaboration and coordination with stakeholders, critical-thinking ability, respect and trust, and other unique efforts. The study also indicates the limitations of the dichotomous lens of “service provider” and “client” and questions the instrumental approach to community participation in school management.
相似文献7.
Sarah A. Robert 《Peabody Journal of Education》2017,92(4):521-536
Teachers engage with policies far beyond the confines of their classroom and seemingly unrelated to their classroom practice, stretching the parameters of theories such as street-level bureaucracy (Lipsky, 2010; Weatherly & Lipsky, 1977) and doing policy in schools (Ball, Maguire, & Braun, 2012). This was observed in ethnographic studies and analyses, suggesting a “policy protagonism” in which teachers engaged in public arenas with the state and with the public outside of school to address problems they faced within school walls (Robert & McEntarfer, 2014). Four attributes of policy protagonism are defining policy “problems,” seeking power and resources to address those policy-worthy problems, “using” social categories and symbolic identities such as perceptions of teachers as mothers and caregivers, and, finally, demanding multiple seats at the decision-making table. Using discourse analysis, I examine Massachusetts' teachers' publications in local and national online newspapers between 2012–2014 that identify Teach Plus Teaching Policy Fellows, teachers who presumably wish to engage with public policy and are taught how to do so. The sample only demonstrated application of the first attribute, defining policy problems. Changes in policy and policymaking will only come from systematic and sustained engagement of teachers in policy protagonism in both real and virtual public spaces. Although teaching policy fellows were trained to do just that, the analysis suggests that more effort is needed to support teachers' policy work in public spaces. There is no silver bullet to the educational challenge of strengthening teachers' policy work and gaining a seat at the policy table. 相似文献
8.
Paul C. Gorski 《Equity & Excellence in Education》2013,46(2):302-319
A rich history of scholarship has demonstrated the ways in which popular stereotypes of disenfranchised communities, including people living in poverty, affect individual biases and preconceptions. Less attention has been paid to the ways in which such stereotypes help frame policy and practice responses regarding social problems, such as the economic “achievement gap.” The purpose of this essay is to examine the nature of poverty-based stereotyping in the context of popular discourses regarding the education of poor and low-income students. In doing so, I analyze stereotypes commonly used to locate the problem of the economic “achievement gap” as existing within, rather than as pressing upon, poor and low-income families. I then discuss how these stereotypes have fed deficit ideology and, as a result, misdirected policy and practice responses to gross class inequities in U.S. schools. 相似文献
9.
Recent initial teacher education policy and regulatory frameworks privilege “classroom ready” discourses. Taking up “readiness” as technical skill requiring more “practice” leads to narrowing of teachers’ roles and efficacy with increasing pressure and regulation that marginalises ideals to equip pre-service teachers to be “community ready”. We argue that enabling preservice teacher agency to engage with community beyond notions of mastering bounded classroom practice is critical to teachers’ roles. Supporting teachers to teach in context as engaged global citizens requires a readiness of relational understanding and skills about the lived experiences of learners, and their wider community contexts. Data from a critical service learning case study highlight how preservice teacher agency to engage with community is conceptualised and experienced in simultaneously beneficial and challenging ways. These findings indicate the complex, yet necessarily significant contributions of service learning experiences to the development of preservice teacher “readiness”. 相似文献
10.
11.
The aim of this article is to review the current state of inclusive education in the world and to suggest a few relevant considerations. The first section “Two parallel concerns” retraces the inescapable connections between the educational aspects of inclusive education and more general concerns regarding inequality. The second section “Inclusive education in academic publications” scrutinizes academic publications and identifies two major themes among their contents: at first sight the internal transformations occurring in schools attract attention, but subsequently the territorial environment also gives rise to some concern. The third section “Inclusive education in the publications of international organizations” notes our search criteria for sifting through the documentation of the World Bank, OECD and UNESCO. The IBE/UNESCO workshops reflect varied, though converging interpretations of the concept of inclusive education in different parts of the world. All the official publications, however, tend to concentrate on the internal dynamics of schools, and there are not many that take a look at relations between inclusive education and public policy. Our last section “The geographical dimension of inclusive education” puts forward a few arguments in favour of paying more attention to inclusive education at the local and national levels. The main reasons for highlighting the local dimension arise from the combined factors of social deprivation, the need to co-ordinate measures taken in schools and the possibility of allowing a significant opening for community participation. The main reasons for paying attention to the national dimension relate to possible synergies between inclusive education and the expansion of education (for example, is schooling progressing at the same pace at different educational levels?), as well as between inclusive education and social protection (for example, do the many educational conditions applied to cash transfers have consistent pedagogic implications?). 相似文献
12.
庙学即文庙与学校的结合体,自两汉肇端、唐朝定制,至宋在“重文”政策引领下获得快速发展。通过文献梳理与考证,发现宋初因庙设学,北宋中后期庙、学并立,甚至部分书院“庙学”化,使得庙与学形成一个教化命运共同体,学因庙而得以拓展教学空间,庙因学而得以教化大众,可说是集政统、治统、道统与教统于一体,对元明清庙学活动产生了深刻影响。 相似文献
13.
Policy discourses posit an accountability deficit as an underlying cause of a “learning crisis” in many low-income countries. Many studies understand this perceived deficit from a principal-agent perspective, arguing that incentives facing teachers and schools often do not align to the interests of parents and students. Such perspectives underlie many randomized controlled trials, which associate interventions with outcomes, but which also produce varying or inconsistent results across contexts. This paper seeks to study the accountability of schools and teachers more directly, looking at how it varies across public and private schools and how it relates to students’ literacy and numeracy abilities. We report results from a mixed methods study conducted in Mumbai and Kathmandu. Our results show that there are some relationships between accountability and learning outcomes, but these appear to be specific to the context. Quantitative data also show that differences between public and private models of schooling are negligible when students’ social backgrounds and school composition are considered. Qualitative data show that accountability processes create a significant burden on staff time and embed complex power dynamics that are not always productive. Taken together, these results problematize policies that seek to improve learning through “demand-side” approaches such as privatization. They show that the dynamics of accountability are a complex system, like the motion of a "double pendulum," and therefore simple conceptual approoaches such as the principal-agent model are of limited academic and practical utility. 相似文献
14.
从甘肃省的"非遗"传承来看,确实有诸多困境,这些困境都指向了"传承人"的问题,即后继乏人。因此,有必要研究从根本上解决"非遗"传承人的问题。文化的传承需要教育,教育要学校来办。电大社区教育能汇聚最优质的教师队伍和最优质的教学资源,能较好地解决"非遗"传承人的教育问题,且能对广大民众进行传统文化的教育,唤起民众对"非遗"保护的自觉意识。通过将电大社区教育跟"非遗"项目逐渐对接,可以从根本上解决"非遗"传承人的问题,从而摆脱"非遗"传承的困境。因此我们得出的结论是:"非遗"传承的问题是"传承人"后继乏人的问题,解决"传承人"的根本办法在教育,电大社区教育是解决"非遗"传承人教育的良好选择。 相似文献
15.
Kathryn A. Riley 《British Educational Research Journal》2013,39(2):266-286
School leaders in highly disadvantaged urban communities across the globe walk a tightrope, caught between the needs of communities and the requirements of national policies. This article aims to enrich our understanding of the potential of school–community relationships. It examines the policy discourse on urban schools and the practice of community leadership. The policy context is one of UK and international concerns about divisions in society and the rise of political extremism: concerns which, in the UK, have led to a policy focus on community cohesion. The article offers a conceptual framework—a theory of action—as a possible road map for school leaders to manage through this complex and evolving arena of policy and practice. The template— developed through earlier work on urban schools—is underpinned by a focus on trust (as the lubricant to link communities together) and social capital (as a way of harnessing the ‘social energy’ of communities for positive good). The template is tested against the leadership of two school principals in challenging contexts in London and Greater Manchester. The author concludes that there is potential for schools to create space for the voices of the marginalised and disenfranchised to be heard. This analysis will resonate with school leaders serving disadvantaged communities in many international contexts and signals a new departure for leadership. 相似文献
16.
新生代农民工权益受侵正由“显”到“隐”,维权形象和能力不容乐观,其维权方式的失效同城乡移动所带来的“权益共同体”的中断密切相关。乡民在乡村受到乡村“权益共同体”的保护,走入城市意味着乡村“权益共同体”的失效,而城市又没有为其提供相应的维权方式对接,从而造成维权效果低下。以互联网为平台,以地方性权益空间建设为基础,以国家法律法规等体制为依据,以新生代农民工人大代表和权益领袖为主体,通过“事件化”社会舆论监督机制建设社会诚信空间,最终构建新生代农民工权益公共空间。 相似文献
17.
The rise of reflexivity and neoliberalism has led to a change in the nature of the public sphere and policy management. Thus, focusing only on analyses of state-initiated policy and the actions of central government is not conducive to understanding the complex process of policy implementation today. Hence, this study aims to analyse the politics and process of policy implementation at the level of local government in Taiwan through two rounds of qualitative interviews. It is found that current policy environment has created the “agile” actors, which locates in the informally and flexibly collaborative space rather than structured within the formal institutions. And the value of administrators (accountability-orientated) is not favourable to successful implementation. Moreover, a successful case of policy implementation is also analysed. It is concluded that “reflexivity” and “position” in the “ambivalent public space” are the key factors to interpret the process of policy implementation. Finally, it is suggested that we should expand key actors’ “macro imagination” (recognizing the changing nature of the public sphere) and “micro imagination” (creating discourses reflecting current problems and reconstructing new possibilities) in the process of policy enactment. 相似文献
18.
推动高职师资“校企双向流动”,有利于破解存量师资“双师”素质短缺,推动高职院校承担责任使命,实现人才资源社会效能优化。高职师资“校企双向流动”制度演变具有组织模式由“自发流动”向“协作流动”转变、流动要素由“身份流动”向“知识流动”转变、企业人员由“全职流动”向“兼职流动”转变、学校人员由“挂职流动”向“切换流动”转变的鲜明导向。为破解观念守旧、价值错位、制度低效等阻滞因素影响,提升“校企双向流动”实效,需要推动工程实践由“大水漫灌式”向“任务驱动型”回归,推动校企合作由“利益结合体”向“命运共同体”升级,建设一批内置于企业的“校企双向流动”支撑平台,构建有利于人才社会性流动的治理体系和社会环境。 相似文献
19.
Whilst the association of risk with schools is predominately a negative one, fostering images of potential dangers, this paper draws upon a socio-cultural counter-discourse to explore the perceived benefits of certain risk taking activities within educational establishments. Using research data on school Internet “misuse” it is argued that some students benefit from engaging in boundary performance. This can be seen as a type of risky behaviour involving low level dangers that offer an escape from tedious routine through public displays of temporarily traversing boundaries. Furthermore, it is maintained that such activity may be a central element in identity construction. It is concluded that the concept of boundary performance has wider applications than merely explaining certain school Internet “misuse”, potentially helping practitioners and policy-makers to think more creatively about the educational process as well as offering insights into other “problematic” behaviour. 相似文献
20.
Terrenda C. White 《Educational theory》2020,70(3):297-316
In this essay, Terrenda White examines distinct forms of activism by two influential organizations: the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) and Teach for America (TFA). Despite differences between these groups, both have created new discourses and alliances among teachers in the public sphere — what White calls “teacher publics.” These new alliances, White argues, can be conceptualized as counter-publics and alternative-publics. CTU is a counter-public because its activities counter the tradition of top-down insular unionism and embrace “social movement unionism” where teachers are part of an expansive coalition for social transformation, including contesting city and state bureaucracies for adequate resources and equitable practices on behalf of minoritized communities. TFA has also created expansive coalitions for change, embracing a “new professionalism” that rejects public contestations with state leaders for resources. As an alternative-public, TFA engages a network of private philanthropists and business leaders to generate change in public education through market-based initiatives that challenge bureaucratic control of teachers and schools and that incentivize competition, audit culture, and data-driven decision-making. These two cases, because their approaches to educational change are so different, provide fertile ground for White's evaluation of what new forms of activism mean for the democratic goals of public schools. 相似文献