共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 27 毫秒
1.
This study aimed to test linguistic intergroup bias (LIB) in the Chinese media. Language abstraction of crime stories was compared between the propaganda model and the commercial model. The results revealed LIB in Chinese language and Chinese journalism. They can be explained by both motivational and cognitive mechanisms in LIB. Moreover, the study explored the impacts of two contextual factors on LIB – time and occupation. The analysis of time illustrated the development trend of Chinese journalism, where the propaganda model has been revealed to be invading and eroding the commercial model. The analysis of occupation indicated the mutual influence between language abstraction and stereotypes, and discussed its impacts over the images of particular social groups as well as the challenges it brought to the state and the Party. This study further explained how and why the journalistic models manipulate language abstraction in order to meet their communication goals as well as the political needs of social power behind them. 相似文献
2.
本文以日本在十五年战争期间的"总体战"体制为背景,探讨"舆论动员"活动的相关问题。通过对日本战时社会历史的考察发现,日本军部以德国的总体战体制为蓝本,将媒体宣传和意识形态引导作为舆论动员机制的核心指导方针,以相关传媒法令为法律依据,通过对各类媒体机构的整合,将媒体资源纳入战争的轨道。封建资本主义制度下的专制语境形成了舆论动员机制的政治基础,军国主义的国民精神结构是舆论动员的思想动力,在媒体将政治意图转化为媒介议题的过程中,媒体精英和意见领袖也发挥了引导作用。多种机理共同运作之下,舆论动员机制实现了对战时国民精神的强效果控制。 相似文献
3.
Gary Hanson Audrey Wagstaff Cunningham Rekha Sharma J. D. Ponder 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(5):584-607
Considerable research over the years has been devoted to ascertaining the impact of media use on political cynicism. The impact of the Internet has been difficult to assess because it is not a single monolithic medium. For example, the 2008 presidential campaign was the first presidential campaign in which popular social networking sites such as Facebook, MySpace, and YouTube were widely available to voters. Therefore, the campaign offered the first opportunity to explore the influence of these social media on political cynicism. In this study, we examined whether the use of such social media influenced political cynicism. We also considered the influence of user background characteristics (e.g., self-efficacy, locus of control, political orientation, demographics, and influence of family and friends), motives for using social media for political information, and users’ elaboration on political content. Several individual differences were stronger predictors of political cynicism than was social media use. In fact, social networking use was a negative predictor of political cynicism. Results supported uses and gratifications’ notions that the influence of social media on political cynicism is more attributable to user background and media-use differences than to sheer use of these popular sites. 相似文献
4.
China’s photojournalistic field undertook great transformations in the 1980s. While the conservatives continued to cling to the propagandistic doctrine, a more progressive trend was emerging. The tension between these two forces had deep historical roots and went on to shape the way Chinese media photography developed. Based on archival research and in-depth interviews, this article revisits the history of Chinese media photography practices between 1937 and 1988 and identifies the key features of three distinct periods: wartime propaganda between 1937–1949; the intensification of ideological propaganda between 1949–1976; and the transformation to realism and humanism between 1976–1988. 相似文献
5.
This study examines theoretical connections among three variables, each in its own way engendering profound political implications for the Chinese society today: news use, national pride, and political trust. We focused on the impact of ‘positivity bias in news’ and advanced a theoretical model on the basis of framing theory to address the dynamics of propaganda and its persuasive effects. Using data from the World Value Survey, we found: (1) news use in general, television news viewing in particular, was positively associated with political trust and national pride; (2) impact of news use on political trust disappeared once national pride was statistically controlled; and (3) intensity of national pride moderated the bivariate relationship between news use and political trust. The effect of party propaganda intended to consolidate political trust in China was contingent upon both one's affective ties to the state and the form of news media regularly consumed. 相似文献
6.
7.
Sangwon Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2019,29(2):111-127
This study sheds light on the recent use of social media for protests, with the 2016 South Korean candle light vigils as the case study. An extensive amount of literature has explored social media’s potential for informing and mobilizing the public to engage in protest activities. Previous research has mainly focused on the direct effect of social media on protest engagement. Moving beyond the direct effect, this paper sought a better understanding of social media’s role in the democratic process by examining how social media affects political knowledge and protest participation, depending on an individual’s political interest level. To test these relationships, this study used survey data collected in South Korea during the mass candlelight vigils in South Korea in 2016 (N?=?922). Findings suggest that the knowledge gap narrowed amongst those with high social media use, mainly due to a greater knowledge drop for those with high political interest. On the other hand, when it comes to participation, the participation gap widened amongst those with high social media use, largely due to a greater increase in participation for those with high political interest. Implications and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
8.
Leticia Bode 《Mass Communication and Society》2016,19(1):24-48
Although literature about the relationship between social media and political behaviors has expanded in recent years, little is known about the roles of social media as a source of political information. To fill this gap, this article considers the question of whether and to what extent learning political information occurs via Facebook and Twitter. Theory suggests that social media may play a significant role in the learning of political information within the modern media environment. Making use of a combination of experimental and survey-based studies, the data suggest that the potential for users to learn political information from social media exists but is not always realized within the general population. 相似文献
9.
社交媒体在全球社会运动与政治变革中发挥的作用已引起高度关注,不过其具体的影响机制仍不明确且充满争议。本文利用TCS2015年的数据,使用Logistic回归模型对社交媒体接触(自变量)与线上、线下社会运动参与(因变量)之间的关系进行实证分析,并引入"政治自我概念"中的一系列心理变量(政治知识、政治兴趣、内在政治效能感、外在政治效能感)对个体性差异进行检验。研究发现,社交媒体展现出显著的、不可被抵消的动员效应。政治知识不会单独对社会运动参与程度产生影响,但可以与社交媒体产生交互效应,放大其对运动参与的正向效应。内在政治效能感既会对社会运动参与产生正向影响,又能强化社交媒体的动员效应。线上、线下两种运动模式的作用机制大致类似,但存在微妙的差异。上述结果部分支持了研究假设,反映出社会运动往往是个体心理与新媒介工具共同作用的结果。这些结论放置于台湾社会的现实政治语境中,可以带来思考与启发。 相似文献
10.
国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献
11.
Qingjiang Yao 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(3):264-279
Using the Chinese part (N=1000) of the fourth-wave (2001) World Values Survey data, this research finds a positive association between news media use and willingness to be a Chinese environmentalist. However, this association disappears when political interest, a stronger and more consistent moderator of being a Chinese environmentalist, is put together in one model. The study also finds a positive association between postmaterialist values and being a Chinese environmentalist, and Chinese environmentalists tend to be more skeptical of the media and the government than non-environmentalists. While Chinese environmentalists prefer a triumph of environmental protection over economic development, they have no preference between statements of human beings mastering nature and human beings coexisting with nature, compared with non-environmentalist respondents. 相似文献
12.
Social media activism has become very relevant for many student activist groups. How can political use of social media be motivated? The concept of Social Media Political Efficacy was proposed to resolve inconsistencies in prior theories of social media activism. A survey (n = 222) of members of 3 student activist groups showed that social media political efficacy was positively related to successful experiences using social media for activism. The relationship between social media political efficacy and social media activism was stronger than that between the concept of political efficacy employed in prior research and social media activism. Theory and social media activism implications are discussed. 相似文献
13.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101486
This paper empirically investigates the association of quality information provided by a government agency on social media and citizen’s online political participation. It further answers the why and how questions regarding the existence of this relationship by examining the mediating influence of transparency, trust, and responsiveness. The data was collected from 388 followers of the social media platforms of a government agency i.e. Punjab Food Authority and the findings of the analysis were obtained using structural equation modeling technique. The results reveal that the agency’s provision of quality information on social media was significantly related to perceived transparency, trust in agency, perceived responsiveness, and citizens’ online political participation. Moreover, the results show that perceived transparency mediates the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ trust in agency. Additionally, trust in agency was an insignificant predictor and perceived responsiveness was a negative predictor of citizens online political participation, Also, trust in agency and perceived responsiveness suppressed the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ online political participation. This study aims to bring awareness and contribution to the body of knowledge about the governmental use of social media and its resulting benefits since in developing countries like Pakistan the research in this area is sparse. Further, it provides strategic and practical suggestions to agencies regarding advantages of utilizing social media in their communication with citizens. 相似文献
14.
Jacob A. Long William P. Eveland Jr. Michael D. Slater 《Mass Communication and Society》2019,22(2):145-170
There is growing concern about the polarizing impact of citizens primarily choosing sources of political information consistent with their existing partisan perspective. Although research has begun providing answers about the consequences, questions remain about what factors drive such selective use of political media. This study conceptualizes partisanship as a social identity and the decision to selectively use like-minded political media as a method for maintenance of that identity. Using the logic of the reinforcing spirals model (Slater, 2007, 2015), we investigated partisan media selectivity as a response to identity threat. We argue the partisan composition of one’s geographic locale and the presence of partisan difference in one’s interpersonal network are common causes of identity threat, which we predict will be associated with compensatory use of partisan media. Results from national survey data generally provide support for the assertion that greater partisan media selectivity is associated with the presence of various forms of identity threat, especially for strong partisans. 相似文献
15.
New media technologies are often met with political and public ambivalence, as they are perceived to threaten established activities, values and institutions, as well as bring progress and improve political, cultural and social life. Taking the Norwegian history of television as an empirical case study, this article relates to an international research agenda focusing on the cultural political debates in the early phases of broadcast media. The article is structured according to five key conjunctures where significant new media and technologies were introduced with corresponding political debates: the introduction of television (1940s–1950s), of colour television (1960s–1970s), of satellite, cable and commercial television (1980s), of digital distribution (1990s–2000s) and the expansion of television to new platforms (2000s). The article addresses the key arguments and dividing lines in these political debates, as well as the change in the perception of television when the medium is no longer new, but has become an integrated part of people's everyday life. 相似文献
16.
This study investigates how social factors affect Taiwanese Internet users’ dual screening use and its impact on online and offline political participation. The Web survey recruits 961 dual screen users. Structural equation modeling results show that bridging social capital and perceived social presence are significantly associated with dual screening use. Dual screening is positively related to online and offline political participation. Dual screening use strongly influences offline political participation when mediated by online political participation. Moreover, alternative media trust is positively related to online political participation, whereas mainstream media trust shows a negative association. 相似文献
17.
With increased research attention being paid to the relationship between information and communication technologies (ICTs) and social movements during the Arab Spring, the role of new and social media in promoting social movements in China is examined in depth. Focusing on the most popular social media platform in China, Weibo, this research includes a review of new scholarship about ICTs and social movements, analysis of Chinese grassroots social movements organized via Weibo, and the limitations of these social movements. The guiding question here is how individual Chinese citizens strategically used Weibo to facilitate social movements. 相似文献
18.
Scholars argue that the history of communication technology is a history of social change, often in unpredictable ways under the influence of various socio-political forces and technological innovations. How does this insight apply to China which has witnessed a boom of new media technologies amidst rapid social change? To what extent does new media research conducted by Chinese scholars help us understand the process of new media diffusion and consumption in China? By reviewing research published in Chinese-language scholarly journals, this paper reviews current new media research in China by tracing trends in such research, identifying research agenda, applications of theory, and use of methodology. Gaps in Chinese new media research will be explored; directions that lead to further research will be suggested. 相似文献
19.
Michael W. Kearney 《Communication Research Reports》2017,34(2):106-114
Many have noted the immense potential of social media as a catalyst for political engagement. While we know a great deal about the people who use social media for politics, and even why they do it, we know very little about when, or under what conditions, political uses of social media actually occur. In this article I extend interpersonal goals theory to examine when political social media use happens. Results suggest that, above and beyond cognitive political engagement, interpersonal goals contribute significantly in explaining political behaviors on Facebook. I find that political posts entail greater affective and interaction-related risks than following political pages or updating one’s profile, while “liking” political posts affords users a low-cost/low-reward strategy for managing interactions. As such, this study provides evidence that political expression on Facebook takes several distinct forms. 相似文献
20.
Rachel L. Neo 《Communication Studies》2019,70(2):151-171
Research has shown that social media conversations with like-minded and politically dissimilar others are an important part of the political process. Yet more needs to be done to clarify the roles that these two types of social media-based conversations play in the political process. A stratified quota online survey was used to determine whether politically like-minded and dissimilar conversations mediate or moderate the relationship between social media-based political information consumption and political participation. Findings show support for the mediating, but not moderating role of politically based social media conversations. Social media political information consumption has a positive indirect relationship with political participation via both politically like-minded and dissimilar conversations. Contrary to previous research showing that politically dissimilar conversations impede political participation, results suggest that such conversations actually increase political participation. Implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献