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1.
Mattias Ekman 《Journalism Practice》2015,9(1):78-91
The emergence of social media raises new questions concerning the relationship between journalists and politicians and between news media and politics. The increasingly complex media milieu, in which the boundaries between media producers and audiences become partly dissolved, calls for new theoretical approaches in the study of journalism. This article reassesses central theoretical arguments about the relationship between journalism, sources, politics and democracy. Drawing on a pilot study of the printed press, it explores the increased social media use among politicians in Sweden and its implications for political journalism. The article suggests that power relations between journalism and politics can be fruitfully explored from the perspective of mediatized interdependency, a perspective that acknowledges that journalists and politicians have become both actors and sources through mutual interaction in online spaces. Furthermore, it argues that social media use has expanded journalism's interest in the private life of politicians, thereby contributing to a de-politicization of politics. 相似文献
2.
Stylianos Papathanassopoulos 《The Communication Review》2013,16(4):379-402
This paper tries to describe the effects of media modernization and commercialization in journalism and politics, taking as example the case of contemporary Greece. This paper is organized into two parts. The first deals essentially with the effects that the new structure of the Greek media system has imposed on professional journalism, while the second deals with the changes that this new media environment has caused in the political world. It argues that these changes have led to a new battle between the media owners and politicians over who will control the public and political agenda and a new relationship between them. 相似文献
3.
Jeffrey C. Goldfarb 《The Communication Review》2013,16(2):159-183
A distinctive dimension of political life, power as the capacity for people to act in concert, was a key in understanding one of the major transformations of the late twentieth century—the democratic aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet empire in central Europe. In this paper, the way this dimension—the politics of small things—provides alternatives in the United States is analyzed. A new media regime, with significant interactions between virtual and embodied social interactions, has opened up the opportunity for a new democratic politics. The antiwar movement and the Dean campaign are shown to have constituted alternative political possibilities for those critical of hegemonic discourses and practices. 相似文献
4.
The role of the press as a political watchdog is crucial to the functioning of democracy. Especially in the run-up to elections, voters depend on the media's presentation of parties and candidates to make informed, responsible choices at the ballot box. But who, then, influences the news media? Empirical evidence in the United States and Europe suggests that political party campaigns and election coverage in the news media are interconnected and influence each other. This study tests whether such agenda-setting effects between party campaigns and the media also take place in the general elections in the world's largest democracy, India. India's western-type political system has a distinct media system characterized by high competition, diversification, non-consolidation and formal and informal ties between the media, commercial interests and political actors. Content analysis and Granger's causality test of newspaper coverage (N?=?716) and party campaign messages (N?=?458) found that agenda-setting effects do occur in India, but are largely bi-directional. We also found an overwhelming focus of both newspapers’ election coverage and of all major party campaigns on one single candidate, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s Narendra Modi. This, we argue, is a result of the broader trends that have shaped Indian politics in recent years. The significant correlations and non-significant causal effects between party campaign and media coverage also indicate a trade-off situation between political power negotiation and political balance in the press. 相似文献
5.
In recent years, as information technologies have grown in sophistication and become more fully integrated into daily lifestyles, a general expectation has arisen that the internet has the potential to reconfigure social and political relationships, and to create new political configurations. Blogging, in particular, has been seen to have significant potential to merge the public and the personal in new ways, potentially altering the nature of politics, particularly in nations where political processes are formalistic and highly regulated. As an example, politicians who blog have developed a new approach to communicating with their constituencies, in that the private thoughts of the political actor are expressed in a relatively unmediated environment. This study, which examines trends in blog linkages among Assembly members in Korea, provides a longitudinal analysis of blog linkages in order to assess the long term implications of new media technologies in Korean society and politics. The data were gathered from the blogs of Korea's National Assembly members for 2005 and 2006. An analysis of these links indicates that, indeed, there is an increased use of blogs among National Assembly members. However, it seems that over time, the network becomes sparser, less integrated, and more decentralized. This study also suggests that offline imperatives for political organization figure prominently in the motives of establishing online linkages to other political blogs. 相似文献
6.
香港的传媒、政治和社会变迁 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
回归后的香港存在着影响传媒表现和运作的众多因素,本文认为再国族化、国际化和本土化是一个有助于分析香港传媒和政治变迁的框架,并以此框架分析了近两年来香港传媒如何响应重大社会和政治事件。在传媒和权力结构之间的关系外,香港的社会和经济转变等非非政治性的社会变迁也影响着香港传媒的发展。 相似文献
7.
Elihu Katz 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(4):454-463
To achieve “deliberative democracy,” Gabriel Tarde's formula not only demands the press hold a nation together, but also offers an agenda of issues that serves as a kind of menu for discussions in cafés and salons, which leads, in turn, to more considered opinions, and thus provides the consensual valuations that inform political, economic and aesthetic actions. The elements of the formula consist of press, conversation, opinion, and action. I argue that the long-run effect of the mainstream media—the newspaper, but even more the radio and television— moved politics off the street and into the home, hence the concern over “the narcotizing dysfunction” of the news media. In the era of the Internet, I argue that media—old or new, mass or social—are far from being the whole of the story. It is some combination of these media, plus word of mouth, plus some rather well-known elements of social-movement theory, plus the social psychology of collective behavior that help to explain. But let us not lose sight of the different functions served by the different media. If the mass media—newspapers, radio, and television—may be said to have moved people “inside,” the social media, so called, serve to mobilize, and may bring them “outside,” again. 相似文献
8.
Around 1960, the politics of the emerging media society in Sweden tended to fixate the formative functions of mass communication. The monopoly of public service broadcast media, press subsidies and new tendencies in film policy were some of the issues around which uncertainty prevailed. New methods to provide reliable data were sought by politicians, since empirical facts were required as arguments for an updated media policy. This article examines the different ways that the field of media studies was introduced in Sweden between 1960 and 1980. We argue that Swedish academic media studies departed from, and emerged within, a rather diffuse borderland between industry, politics and academia. The formation of national media research in Sweden can partly be seen as an effect of politicians and the media industry wanting to be better informed on issues such as media influence, media ownership and the habits and composition of the media audience. 相似文献
9.
Mark Ward 《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2014,21(1):115-133
The Evangelical movement in the United States arose as an interpretive community in the late 19th century when the penny press permitted mass dissemination of shared media texts. Network radio in the early and mid-20th century then furnished an ecology for Evangelicals to share real-time media rituals and be socially integrated into a broadly coherent subculture. This study presents a new history of Evangelicalism organized around its media, following the movement through its three “waves.” In the present era, radio continues to sustain the subculture, even as Evangelicals have tactically “reread” their media texts in response to societal change. 相似文献
10.
Gabriel Weimann Nirit Weiss-Blatt Germaw Mengistu Maya Mazor Tregerman Ravid Oren 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(6):803-829
It is hard to imagine a more challenging arena for communication research than that presented by new media and their impact on our society. We have witnessed the fastest evolution in communication technology in human history and, along with it, the evolution of communication conceptions and theories used to assess its impact. More than a decade has passed since Chaffee and Metzger first published their intriguing article “The End of Mass Communication?” and suggested that the new media will change the notions of mass communication and, as a result, the theories used in communication research. Today, we know more about new media and its effect on communication, society, and communication theories. The present article, therefore, sets out to reassess Chaffee and Metzger's claim by describing the development of several core theories of communication research, namely the agenda-setting theory and the notions of media audiences and the Digital Divide, in light of the new media. Our review shows that the role played by communication technologies in social, cultural, political, and economic processes is as central and influential in the new media era as it was in traditional media environment and that, although theories may change to accommodate the changes of the new media environment, researchers are still dealing with the “old” issues of power and resistance, and structure and ownership. 相似文献
11.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):41-56
Work on categorization of national press systems in the last 40 years has been grounded in the well-known Four Theories of the Press. Whereas this approach has been strongly criticized by international scholars for its idealism and its poverty of empiricism, it is still widely taught in introductory journalism courses across the country, and few theorists have engaged in grounding the theory with data in international settings. Although journalism is contextualized and constrained by press structure and state policies, it is also a relatively autonomous cultural production of journalists negotiating between their professionalism and state control. This article thus proposes a new model incorporating the autonomy of individual journalistic practices into political and social structural factors-the interaction of which might currently more accurately represent press practices in the new international order. With an understanding of the background of the journalistic practices and state policies of 4 countries/cities, the multinational media coverage of a specific event is explicated in the light of the new model. This new model explains the journalistic variations that cannot be clearly revealed using a state-policy press model alone. 相似文献
12.
Timothy A. Gibson 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(4):283-304
Local disputes over land use and urban development generate some of the most heated struggles in American politics. Yet the role of local media organizations in covering debates over urban development has been woefully understudied by media scholars. To address this soft spot in the critical media literature, this article offers an investigation of how the local press covered a particularly bitter debate over one urban redevelopment proposal in Seattle during the mid‐1990s. Drawing on Hallin, who predicts that reporters will abandon professional codes of neutrality and balance when they perceive the political field to be unified around a single position, an examination of sourcing patterns in the Seattle case suggests that local reporters cover debates over urban development from a spurious assumption of “consensus”—an assumption that privileges the voices of downtown business leaders and pro‐development public officials. A concluding section offers suggestions for future investigation into the intersection of local media and urban development politics, drawing particularly on Bourdieu's notion of “symbolic capital” to explore how such presumptions of consensus are cultivated, maintained, and contested within the local public sphere. 相似文献
13.
Jörg Haßler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):326-341
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
14.
《Government Information Quarterly》2018,35(4):675-681
Recent communication scholarship emphasizes national and technological analyses of the relationship between politicians and media actors. However, this qualitative analysis uses interviews and observations to find that U.S. state legislative offices still draw on an institutional understanding of the press as the primary information provider to the electorate. In a more diverse information environment with broader definitions of media, this study finds that legislators relied on professionalism to signal a media organization's understanding of their institutional role—and it is this institutional role that allows for information to flow between media actors and legislators. Professionalism also became the language used to draw boundaries in the relationships. When behavioral norms were violated, the press became viewed as antagonistic because it stepped out of its institutional role as information provider and interrupted functions of the political institution. Recurring discomfort with “information correction” suggests legislators and their staffs find themselves increasingly in the position of fact arbiters in the changing media landscape. 相似文献
15.
Why People Dual Screen Political Debates and Why It Matters for Democratic Engagement 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Dual screening during televised election debates is a new domain in which political elites and journalists seek to influence audience attitudes and behavior. But to what extent do non-elite dual screeners seek to influence others, particularly their social media followers, social media users in general, and even politicians and journalists? And how does this behavior affect short- and longer-term engagement with election campaigns? Using unique, event-based, panel survey data from the main 2015 UK general election debate (Wave 1 = 2,351; Wave 2 = 1,168) we reveal the conditions under which people experience agency, empowerment, and engagement now that social media have reconfigured broadcast political television. 相似文献
16.
The 1970s and 1980s have been a period of flux in Western partysystems, with two apparent indicators being the success of rightwingparties and the growth of New Politics issues within electorates.Two theories have been utilized to explain these changes. Thefirst is that they are caused by shifts in popular opinion,which are reflected in elite behavior, while the second arguesthat they are the result of political elites acting indepndentlyof mass opinion. In this paper, we test these two theories usingBritain between 1974 and 1987 as a case study. Using comparablequestions from four national surveys, we find that mass politicalattitudes have changed very little over the period, althoughthere is more change evident on economic than on noneconomicissues. No support is forthcoming for the propositions thatthe British electorate is becoming more conservative or thatNew Politics issues are becoming more important. Overall, itappears that the British party political elite has moved furtherapart than has the electorate. In short, political change inBritain in the 1970s and 1980s is more elite-influenced thanmass-influenced. 相似文献
17.
民初报界抵制报律的深层原因分析——以《暂行报律》事件为中心 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
《暂行报律》事件是民初报界抵制报律的代表性事件,它集中体现了报界反对报律的普遍要求。在表面上来看,此次事件似乎是《暂行报律》立法程序上存在的漏洞所导致的。但是,如果结合当时的政局变化和报界精英新闻法制、自由观念的发展,就会发现还存在着非常重要的深层原因:绝对的新闻自由观和政党斗争的因素。 相似文献
18.
The field of development communication has been experiencing a paradigm shift toward an emphasis upon pluralistic, localized, and more participatory communication within the larger political and cultural environments. The emerging paradigm implicitly rejects both the ahistorical and individual-level biases of modernization theory as well as the reductionist social structural biases of dependency theory, and instead focuses upon human action within sociocultural, political, and economic contexts. There has been, however, little academic movement in the form of new theoretical formulations suited to this shift toward a new paradigm of development. This paper discusses the need for and the difficulties of cross-level theorizing in development communication which can help explain the actions of individuals within their larger sociocultural and political contexts; proposes a cross-level approach to communication and development based upon theories of mythology, discourse, and narrative; and illustrates the approach with an examination of indigenous media and the social roles of the shadow puppet (wayang) mythology in Central Java, Indonesia. Implications for applied work in development are discussed. 相似文献
19.
ABSTRACTThe free press performs essential democratic functions, but widespread negative attitudes toward the press threaten its legitimacy and effectiveness as a check on formal institutions. In order to combat these attitudes, media organizations must understand who holds them and why. A survey-based study of U.S. adults (N?=?2052) focuses on associations between perceptions of the news media industry as a threat to political performance and a range of politically oriented behaviors (i.e. news media exposure, political talk, political participation). Analyses reveal a series of non-monotonic relationships. Group differences between those who hold the most extreme views concerning news-media-as-threat are also explored. The opposing groups are distinct in some important ways (e.g. ideology, race), but are also found to be surprisingly similar (e.g. income, education, gender, news media exposure). The results suggest new strategies for maintaining and restoring confidence in media organizations. 相似文献
20.
国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献