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《庸言》是梁启超在辛亥革命后从日本回国创办的当时中国发行量最大的政论刊物。该杂志秉承梁氏一贯的宪政主张。从梁启超任主笔到黄远生任主编,《庸言》的编辑思想既有不变,亦有转变。其不变体现为:始终宣传宪政和新民思想,贯彻报刊是社会改良工具的理念。而转变体现为从独立、主观到公正、客观,从政论演绎到注重事实,从政论工具到公共舆论平台。 相似文献
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在报刊刊登广告是书业宣传的极佳途径。而作为一份发行量巨大、影响广泛的报纸,《良友画报》中的书业广告能为研究当时文化状况提供可贵的资料。为深入探讨《良友画报》中的书业广告的特点,本文采用文献调研法、对比分析法等从广告理念、广告刊登机构、广告类型、不同时期的书业广告等方面对《良友画报》进行了分析。 相似文献
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《庸言》是梁启超1912年回国后创办的第一份杂志,而黄远生是该刊的第二任编辑人。作为报界奇才的黄远生接手《庸言》后,不仅对其作了业务上的改革,而且发表了一些重要的论说和时评。在《庸言》杂志相关文章中,黄远生对报刊与社会关系、报刊作为公共舆论平台、办刊态度、文艺启蒙等作了深刻的阐述,反映了黄远生新闻思想的变化。 相似文献
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2015年9月新《广告法》开始施行,对我国的书业广告产生了全面而深刻的影响,主要表现在对虚假广告的界定与整治、对广告代言人、教材教辅出版物广告的限制和对互联网广告的管理强化等。面对这种情况,书业广告者当积极应对,努力做到"守法、创新",有所为和有所不为,这样才能保证我国的书业广告持续健康有序地发展。 相似文献
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中国古代书业广告内容丰富,形式多样.不仅反映了古代书商的商业经营活动,同时也反映了古代社会政治、经济和文化生活,是中国出版文化研究的重要资料.文章从牌记广告、序跋广告、书名广告、书目广告及征稿广告五个方面对古代书业广告作了初步探讨和分析. 相似文献
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明代书业广告内容丰富,形式多样,不仅反映了明代书商的商业经营活动,同时反映了明代政治、经济和文化生活,是中国出版文化研究的重要资料。文章从书名广告、扉页广告、牌记广告、凡例广告、书目广告及征稿广告六个方面对图书促销术作了初步探讨和分析。 相似文献
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在晚清维新变法运动时期,上海《时务报》作为维新派最重要、影响最大的机关报,以政论为核心,为维新变法制造声势和舆论,尤以梁启超的政论数量最多,质量也最高。仅梁启超发表的政论就占到《时务报》所发政论数量的60%以上。梁启超以《时务报》名震天下,开创"时务文体",更形成独具特色的政论风格。本文从梁启超任《时务报》主笔期间所著政论为研究对象,从论证方法和文风方面切入,研究梁启超《时务报》政论的风格特点,并简要分析其政论的影响。 相似文献
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Using a sample of 99 political advertisements from 1990 statewide and federal elections, a content analysis was employed to test whether negative political advertisements exhibited a normative style. Results indicated that negative political advertisements were remarkably similar in substance and style, indicating a normative advertising form. The authors suggest that negative advertisements are used more to “blunt” an opponent's chance of winning the election than to promote the sponsoring candidate's own images or characteristics with their constituency. 相似文献
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《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(4):395-410
This empirical study assessed the effects of negative issue advertisements sponsored by both political candidates and soft-money political organizations. An experiment was conducted to see how negative issue advertisements sponsored by different political entities affect people's assessment of the political candidates and voting decisions. Results provide strong support for the hypothesis that negative advertisements significantly lowered assessments of the target candidate and backfired against the sponsoring candidate. However, the backlash effects were minimal when negative advertisements were sponsored by soft-money political organizations. These results suggest that even in the absence of express advocacy to vote for or against political candidates, soft-money negative issue advertisements could produce the intended detrimental impact while avoiding boomerang effects. 相似文献
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This study analyzes the 2000 presidential television advertisements in Taiwan and the United States. Contrary to the common cultural assumption that Asian messages are more positive than those in the US, there is no significant difference of acclaims (positive utterances) and attacks (negative utterances) between the two countries. It appears that the cultural influence on utterance functions was overridden by situational factors in campaign communication. Nevertheless, Taiwanese spots differ from those in the US in three aspects, emphasizing character over policy, addressing past deeds more frequently than future plans, and focusing on leadership abilities more often than the US counterparts. Overall, this comparative analysis suggests a character-centered culture of political communication in Taiwan, which is different from the common emphasis of policy over character in Western political advertisements. 相似文献
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In September 1996 a federal appeals court ruled that broadcasters cannot refuse daytime or prime time television federal candidates’ political advertisements containing abortion images. Broadcasters argued the advertisements were harmful to children and, thus, should be restricted. This article explores this public interest dilemma involving two competing interests: the concern for the welfare of children and the public interest in informed political debate. This article also discusses implications of the court decision. 相似文献
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《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):296-310
Citizens can gain a better understanding of the important issues of a campaign and where candidates stand on those issues from three primary sources: direct candidate-to-citizen mass media messages (e.g., political advertisements, debates), news (e.g., newspapers, television news), or discussion with fellow citizens. The current study conducted a secondary analysis of 1996 American National Election Study (ANES) data to replicate Brians and Wattenberg's (1996) findings concerning the relative influence of political advertisements, television news use, and newspaper use on voter issue knowledge and salience in the 1992 United States presidential campaign. We also analyzed two additional communication information sources, general political discussion and debate viewing. The effects of political advertisement recall, television news viewing, and newspaper use replicated across election studies. General political discussion was found to affect both issue knowledge and salience, and when introduced into the regression analyses nullifies the predictive power of political advertisement recall for knowledge. Talk's influence on salience wanes in subsequent analyses. Viewing the first debate was a strong predictor of issue knowledge, but was not associated with issue salience. Advertisement recall maintained predictive power for issue salience even after taking into account the other four information sources, and watching the second debate also predicted salience. The combination of results presents evidence that candidate-to-citizen and citizen-to-citizen communication play unique roles in determining levels of issue knowledge and salience. 相似文献
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作为中国近现代出版巨擎,商务印书馆广泛运用各种书刊广告,进行各类图书推介与营销。1928至1938年商务印书馆在《中国评论周报》（The China Critic）上持续发布英文广告,宣传推介各类中英文图书。这些英文广告投放频率疏密有致、设计风格灵活整饬、主题类型丰富多样,体现出商务印书馆独特的图书广告营销策略。 相似文献
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Thailand's political landscape has changed dramatically during the past five years. The rapid growth of communication technology in Thailand has been instrumental in generating political participation in the national elections of 2001 and 2005. In this article we provide the results of a benchmark study that assesses the early period of this political transformation. Specifically, we examined the use of television and of the Internet for political information by interviewing 500 urban residents. Our results indicate that likely voters actively gathered political knowledge from television advertisements and political party websites. Although use of television and the Internet for political purposes did not increase direct involvement in political parties, it did promote participation in the 2001 national election. Implications of these findings for future research on the use of communication technology for political communication in Asia are discussed. 相似文献
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Meghan Dougherty 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(3):435-437
This study examines gender role and sexual content in television advertising messages, and the cognitive elaborations of adolescents processing these messages. Adolescents viewed and commented on television advertisements of beer and non-beer products in the contexts of sports and entertainment programming. Results found that a majority of the ads contained traditional gender role content. Fewer ads combined sexual with traditional gender role content. The adolescents' comments criticized female imagery, while their comments on male portrayals were relatively neutral. More than half the respondents challenged ad content, including product claims, realism, and production techniques, with females counterarguing more than males. 相似文献
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《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(4):491-515
This study aims to demonstrate that advertisements and the types of media content related to consumption and/or originated from the West play a significant role in shaping consumerist orientations among China's urban residents. More specifically, it examines how the acceptance of 2 newly emerged consumerist values-quality consumption and innovative consumption-is related to exposure to advertisements and media. By analyzing data from large-scale consumer surveys conducted in the 3 most economically advanced cities in China, this study finds that exposure to consumption-related and West-originated media contents and advertisements contributes to a more ready acceptance of the 2 consumerist values. Such exposure also contributes to the development of more positive attitudes toward advertising that are found to potentially mediate and moderate the effects of exposure to consumption- and market-related media content on consumerist values. Implications of the findings and directions for future studies are discussed. 相似文献